PRICE  FIFTY  CENTS 


LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS 


(2?^ 


AN    ALLIANCE? 

OR 

A   NATION  OF   NATIONS? 


BY 


ALFRED  OWEN  CROZIER 


LEAGUE   OF   NATIONS 


Shall  It  Be 
V         An  Alliance,  or  a  Nation  of  Nations? 

^  (Must  be  one  or  the  other!) 


\ 


By 
ALFRED  OWEN  CROZIER 


Author  of  "Nation  of  Nations'*  "The  Magnet"  "U.  S.  Money 
vs.  Corporate  Currejtcy,"  Etc.,  and  of  the  plan  for  anttiter- 
national  Nation  of  Nations  withji^rong  central  police  power. 


\  V. 


Publishers 

LECOUVER  PRESS  CO. 

51  Vesey  St.,  JMew  York  City. 


V'-  ..a.A^ 


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Copyright,  1919,  by 

ALFRED  OWEN  CROZIER 

140   Cedar  Street,  New  York   City 


CONTENTS 


Preface 

Introduction:   The   Fourteen  Essential  Peace  Terms  of 

President    Wilson 

Chapter  Page 

I.     The   Dawning  New  Era 13 

II.     The  Nation  of  Nations  Plan 26 

III.  The   World    Alliance    Plan 31 

IV.  League  to  Enforce  Peace  Action 35 

V.     League  Reverses  Its   Position 39 

VI.  Only   Government   Establishes   Order 43 

yil.  Frame  Work  of  Nation  of  Nations 48 

VIII.  Supreme    Constitution    Provisions 54 

IX.  Not  a  World   Government 60 

X.  World    Territorial    Surgery 65 

XI.  A    World    Gold    Reserrr^^ 71 

XII.  Supreme   Right  of  Democracy 11 

XIII.  Freedom    of    the    Seas 83 

XIV.  The  World   Court   Movement 87 

XV.  United  States  in  the  War 95 

XVI.  league  of  Nations  Constitution  Analyzed 103 

XVII.  Where  Does  Japan   Stand? 139 

XVIII.  Government  vs.   Bolshevism 145 

XTX.  U.  S.  Senate  and  the  League 152 

APPENDIX 

(a)     Time  for  Action.     Blank  Form  for  Petition 157 

(6)     Supreme   Constitution   for   Nation  of  Nations 160 

(c)     First  Proposed  Plan  for  a  League  of  Nations 184 

(c?)     Letters  to   Peace  Congress  and   President  Wilson 195 


405059 


Dedication 

To  the  hallowed  memory  of  the  seven  million  men  killed  dur- 
ing this  last  world  war — the  "Battle  of  the  Nations" — this 
volume  is  sacredly  dedicated. 

They  died  martyrs,  victims  of  a  false  system  universally  con- 
ceded to  be  wrong,  the  policy  of  international  force  instead  of 
Justice,  but  which  the  nations  have  not  abolished  because  of 
lack  of  wisdom  and  unselfish  moral  courage. 


PREFACE. 

The  Pioneer  plan  for  a  league  of  nations  to  be  organized 
at  the  end  of  the  world  war,  so  as  to  make  another  such 
war  impossible  or  improbable,  was  fully  prepared  on  August 
10,  1914,  ten  days  after  the  great  world  war  began.  That 
plan  is  described  herein  in  detail  and  contrasted  with  other 
plans.  It  was  mailed  to  President  Wilson  August  18,  1914. 
It  was  referred  by  the  White  House  to  the  Department  of 
State,  according  to  the  letter  of  the  Secretary  of  State  to 
the  author,  dated  September  17,  1914.  In  October,  1914, 
it  was  made  public. 

The  volume  ''Nation  of  Nations,'*  elaborating  the  plan 
with  a  tentative  draft  of  a  Supreme  Constitution  for  the 
suggested  international  government  and  police  power,  was 
published  just  after  June  17,  1915,  when  the  League  to 
Enforce  Peace  was  organized  at  Philadelphia  to  promote 
a  league  of  nations  of  an  entirely  different  character,  a 
world  treaty  alliance,  as  herein  shown.  Both  plans  are 
described  and  contrasted  in  that  book,  and  in  this  volume. 

The  original  statement  describing  the  plan,  sent  to  the 
President  on  August  18,  1914,  reprinted  in  full  in  the 
Appendix  of  this  volume,  began  with  these  words: 

"The  United  States  will  take  a  leading  part  in  ending 
the  prevailing  world-war.  It  is  the  only  strong  nation  in 
position  to  be  an  umpire  acceptable  to  all  warring  nations. 
President  Wilson  recognized  this  fact  in  tendering  his  good 
offices. 

"This  nation  should  use  its  dominant  influence  for  a 
plan  that  will  insure  permanent  i>eace  without  insanely 
large  universal  armaments.  It  must  not  help  patch  up  a 
mere  temporary  armed  truce  that  can  only  mean  a  still 
greater  war  later  and  unbearable  burdens  upon  all  humanity 
meantime. 

"Now  that  war  is  unavoidable  and  in  progress,  it  should 
be  allowed  to  proceed  until  all  nations  so  clearly  realize  the 


':\:      .\tkUGUE     OF    NATIONS 

•  ••,••••••*•••••    •  ,*,      • 

tutifityraild'folI^'.ofrwaVnKat  they  will  gladly  co-operate  iii 
adopting  a  settlement  of  past  differences  and  a  plan  of 
future  action  that  will  make  another  great  international 
conflict  forever  impossible.  That  course  will  sacrifice  more 
lives  now,  but  less  in  the  end ;  and  it  will  rescue  the  world 
from  perpetual  strife  and  insure  the  onward  march  of  true 
civilization  until  it  reaches  its  divine  goal." 

The  undersigned  will  leave  to  others  to  judge  as  to  the 
prophetic  or  rather  the  deductive  accuracy  and  wisdom 
of  those  early  words.  The  war  did  go  on  to  its  logical 
finish.  No  temporary  armed  truce  was  made.  It  is  be- 
lieved the  nations  have  come  to  see  the  futility  and  folly 
of  war.  The  United  States  is  in  a  position  to  take  a  leading 
part  in  the  settlement,  and  its  President,  as  a  counselor, 
seems  to.  be  acceptable  above  all  others. 

Will  the  nations  now  actually  create  a  constitutional  Na- 
tion of  Nations  with  a  strong  central  police  power  to  safe- 
guard the  world's  future  peace?  Or,  will  they  discuss, 
divide,  postpone  and  finally  drop  and  forget  the  whole  mat- 
ter? Of  course,  that  would  mean  another  and  greater  war. 
Knowing  that  to  be  true,  every  nation  would  begin  at  once, 
and  continue  steadily,  to  increase  armaments  and  forces 
until  the  inevitable  conflict  occurs. 

The  world  forgives  and  forgets  easily  and  quickly.  Na- 
tions that  are  enemies  in  one  war  are  allies  in  the  next,  a 
few  years  later.  This  often  has  occurred  and  may  again, 
and  very  soon.  Mere  alliances  are  only  temporary  affairs, 
made  today  and  dissolved  tomorrow.  Changing  conditions 
or  selfish  national  aims  make  them  transitory.  Nations,  or 
governments,  are  selfish,,  although  their  peoples  are  reason- 
able and  even  generous.  In  the  face  of  common  danger 
they  combine  for  defense,  or  unite  in  joint  attack  to  gain 
mutual  advantage.  The  immediate  danger  over  or  post- 
poned, they  settle  back  to  the  old  ways  and  forget  all  but 
their  own  individual  aspirations. 

This  war  has  taught  a  great  lesson:  that  world  wars 

6 


PREFACE 

do  not  pay  any  nation  and  endanger  the  existence  of  all 
countries.  Will  it  move  the  nations  to  co-operate  unselfishly 
in  constructive  action  for  preventing  future  conflicts?  The 
loss  of  millions  of  lives  and  untold  billions  of  treasure 
should  stimulate  action.  But  will  it  cause  actual  adoption 
of  a  thorogoing  plan?    We  earnestly  hope  so. 

But  we  can  not  forget  that  following  the  devastating 
Roman  wars,  nineteen  hundred  years  ago,  there  was  strong 
demand  for  an  international  plan  to  prevent  future  wars ; 
and  periodically  since,  after  great  widespread  conflicts,  the 
same  idea  was  discussed — then  dropped  or  forgotten. 

The  future  welfare  and  safety  of  mankind  is  in  greater 
danger  now  than  at  any  time  since  the  world  war  began. 
That  is  because  of  the  danger  of  differences  between  the 
victorious  associated  nations  over  the  details  of  the  peace 
settlement  and  the  possibility  that  the  indifference  or  selfish 
interest  or  ambition  of  one  or  more  countries,  existing  but 
perhaps  well  concealed,  will  prevent  the  creation  of  the 
only  kind  of  a  league  of  nations  that  would  "make  the 
world  safe  for  democracy"  by  making  future  international 
wars  impossible.  They  may  insist  on  an  unwelcome  and 
ineffective  alHance,  instead  of  organizing  a  genuine  mutual, 
international  government. 

This  volume,  ''League  of  Nations,"  is  contributed  to 
further  explain,  with  the  aid  of  the  light  of  four  years  of 
war,  the  plan  suggested  in  August,  1914,  and  thus  help  stir 
world  opinion  to  demand  action  that  will  insure  a  peace  of 
justice  and  make  it  permanent. 

The  suggested  complete  frame  work,  and  tentative  pro- 
visions of  a  Supreme  Constitution  for  an  international 
government,  were  published  in  the  author's  former  book, 
''Nation  of  Nations,"*  issued  in  1915,  and  are  reproduced 
in  the  Appendix  to  this  volume. 


•The  book,  "Nation  of  Naiiona"  (by  Alfred  Owen  Crozier) — Publishers, 
Stewart  &  Kidd  Co.,  Cincinnati,  Ohio,  U.  S.  A.  Price,  paper  cover,  by 
^ail,    75    cents. 


LEAGUE    OF    NATIONS 

The  entire  draft  of  the  Constitution  for  a  League  of 
Nations,  read  by  President  Wilson  before  the  Supreme 
Peace  Congress  at  Paris,  France,  on  February  14,  1919,  is 
given  in  the  following  pages,  together  with  a  very  frank, 
and  we  trust  fair,  analysis  of  the  true  legal  character,  mean- 
ning  and  effect  of  each  of  its  twenty-six  important  Articles. 

The  Author. 

140  Cedar  Street,  New  York  City,  March  4,  1919. 


INTRODUCTION. 

The  terms  (fourteen  points)  set  forth  by  President 
Woodrow  Wilson  as  essential  to  peace,  in  his  address  to 
the  Congress  on  January  8th,  1918,  and  formally  accepted 
by  the  belligerent  nations,_aFe-as-£ollows  : 

I.  Open  covenants  ofgeace,  openly  arrived  at,  after 
which  there  shall  be  no  private  international  understandings 
of  any  kind,  but  diplomacy  shall  proceed-always  frankly  and 
in  the  public  view. 

II.  Absolute  freedom  of  navigation  upon  the  seas,  out- 
side territorial  waters,  alike  Mi_peace  and  in  war,  except  as 
the  seas  may  be  closed  in  whole  oy  in  part  by  international 
action  for  the  enforcement  of  international  covenants. 

III.  The  removal,  so  far  as  possible,  of  all  economic 
barriers  and  the  establishment  of  an  equality  of  trade  con- 
ditions among  all  the  nations  consenting  to  the  peace  and 
associating  themselves  for  its  maintenance. 

IV.  Adequate  guarantees  given  and  taken  that  national 
armaments  will  reduce  to  the  lowest  point  consistent  with 
domestic  safety. 

V.  Free,  open-minded,  and  absolutely  impartial  adjust- 
ment of  all  colonial  claims,  based  upon  a  strict  observance 
of  the  principle  that  in  determining  all  such  questions  of 
sovereignty  the  interests  of  the  population  concerned  must 
have  equal  weight  with  the  equitable  claims  of  the  Govern- 
ment whose  title  is  to  be  determined. 

VI.  The  evacuation  of  all  Russian  territory  and  such 
a  settlement  of  all  questions  affecting  Russia  as  will  secure 
the  best  and  freest  co-operation  of  the  other  nations  of  the 
world  in  obtaining  for  her  an  unhampered  and  unembar- 
rassed opportunity  for  the  independent  determination  of 
her  own  political  development  and  national  policy,  and  as- 
sure her  of  a  sincere  welcome  into  the  society  of  free  na- 
tions under  institutions  of  her  own  choosing;  and,  more 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

than  a  welcome,  assistance  also  of  every  kind  that  she  may 
need  and  may  herself  desire.  The  treatment  accorded  Rus- 
sia by  her  sister  nations  in  the  months  to  come  will  be  the 
acid  test  of  their  good-will,  of  their  comprehension  of  her 
needs  as  distinguished  from  their  own  interests,  and  of  their 
intelligent  and  unselfish  sympathy. 

VII.  Belgium,  the  whole  world  will  agree,  must  be 
evacuated  and  restored,  without  any  attempt  to  limit  the 
sovereignty  which  she  enjoys  in  common  with  all  other  free 
nations.  No  other  single  act  will  serve  as  this  will  serve 
to  restore  confidence  among  the  nations  in  the  laws  which 
they  have  themselves  set  and  determined  for  the  government 
of  their  relations  with  one  another.  Without  this  healing 
act  the  whole  structure  and  validity  of  international  law  is 
forever  impaired. 

VIII.  All  French  territory  shall  be  freed  and  the  in- 
vaded portions  restored,  and  the  wrong  done  to  France  by 
Prussia  in  1871  in  the  matter  of  Alsace-Lorraine,  which 
has  unsettled  the  peace  of  the  world  for  nearly  fifty  years, 
should  be  righted,  in  order  that  peace  may  once  more  be 
made  secure  in  the  interest  of  all. 

IX.  A  readjustment  of  the  frontiers  of  Italy  should 
be  effected  along  clearly  recognizable  lines  of  nationality. 

X.  The  peoples  of  Austria-Hungary,  whose  place 
among  the  nations  we  wish  to  see  safeguarded  and  assured, 
should  be  accorded  the  freest  opportunity  of  autonomous 
development. 

XI.  Rumania,  Serbia,  and  Montenegro  should  be  evacu- 
ated ;  occupied  territories  restored ;  Serbia  accorded  free 
and  secure  access  to  the  sea;  and  the  relations  of  the  sev- 
eral Balkan  States  to  one  another  determined  by  friendly 
counsel  along  historically  established  lines  of  allegiance  and 
nationality ;  and  international  guarantees  of  the  political  and 
economic  independence  and  territorial  integrity  of  the  sev- 
eral Balkan  States  should  be  entered  into. 

XII.  The   Turkish   portions   of   the   present  Ottoman 

10 


INTRODUCTION 

Empire  should  be  assured  a  secure  sovereignty,  but  the 
other  nationalities  which  are  now  under  Turkish  rule  should 
be  assured  an  undoubted  security  of  life  and  an  absolutely 
unmolested  opportunity  of  autonomous  development,  and 
the  Dardanelles  should  be  permanently  opened  as  a  free 
passage  to  the  ships  and  commerce  of  all  nations  under 
international  guarantees. 

XIII.  An  independent  Polish  State  should  be  erected 
which  should  include  the  territories  inhabited  by  indis- 
putably Polish  populations,  which  should  be  assured  a  free 
and  secure  access  to  the  sea,  and  whose  political  and  eco- 
nomic independence  and  territorial  integrity  should  be  guar- 
anteed by  international  covenant. 

XIV.  A  general  association  of  nations  must  be  formed 
under  specific  covenants  for  the  purpose  of  affording  mutual 
guarantees  of  political  independence  and  territorial  integrity 
to  great  and  small  States  alike. 


U 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE  DAWNING  NEW  ERA. 

The  great  Battle  of  the  Nations  ended  November  11, 
1918.  Countries  with  nine-tenths  of  the  earth's  bilHon  and 
a  half  inhabitants  were  active  participants.  The  other 
tenth  were  indirectly  involved.  Thus  all  mankind  was 
drawn  into  the  vortex  of  the  world  conflict.  More  than 
seven  million  men  were  killed,  more  than  ten  millions  crip- 
pled or  incapacitated  and  countless  other  millions,  men, 
women  and  children,  starved,  impoverished  or  terrorized. 
The  human  race  has  been  mortgaged  with  debt  and  expense 
for  200  billions  of  dollars,  or  five  times  the  40  billions  that 
comprised  the  aggregate  public  debts  of  the  42  nations 
when  the  war  began  on  August  1,  1914.  Interest  and  pen- 
sions ultimately  will  increase  the  burden  imposed  upon 
mankind  by  this  one  war  to  an  amount  exceeding  the  total 
wealth  of  the  world  fifty  years  ago  and  equal  to  a  very 
substantial  part,  in  fact  more  than  half,  of  its  present 
wealth. 

Civilization,  democracy,  justice,  liberty  and  freedom, 
those  priceless  possessions  accumulated  by  mankind  through 
thousands  of  years  of  toil  and  struggle,  escaped  destruction 
narrowly  and  almost  miraculously.  Another  such  war  and 
all  would  be  lost.  Therefore  the  greatest  problem  ever 
faced  for  solution  by  mortals,  the  most  pressing  and  sacred 
duty  of  this  grave  hour  of  all  human  history,*  is  to  devise 
and  adopt  a  workable  plan  that  would  make  another  world 
war  unnecessary  and  impossible. 

There  must  be  a  League  of  Nations  or  popular  protest 
may  become  universal  revolution  and  wreck  governments 
or  tear  the  whole  world  into  pieces.  But  it  must  be  a 
League  of  Nations  of  the  right  kind  or  it  will  be  useless 
and  fail.  Shall  it  be  an  "entangling''  world  alliance,  or  a 
limited  international  government  or  Nation  of  Nations  with 

13 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

central  police  power  in  which  all  countries  are  mutually 
represented?  It  will  be  one  or  the  other.  The  future 
safety  of  the  world  depends  upon  the  wisdom  of  the  choice 
between  these  two  plans,  to  be  made  by  the  General  Peace 
Congress  now  in  session  at  Paris,  France. 

The  opportunity  for  permanent  peace  is  now  freely  of- 
fered for  the  mere  acceptance.  Will  mankind  take  or  re- 
fuse it?  When  the  best  scheme  of  salvation  was  offered 
to  mortals  nearly  two  thousand  years  ago  the  people,  or 
their  statesmen,  crucified  their  benefactor  on  a  cross.  It 
is  to  be  hoped  that  two  thousand  years  of  growing  intelli- 
gence and  the  fiery  lessons  of  a  conflict  that  shook  the 
whole  social  structure  of  mankind  to  its  foundations  have 
so  impressed  the  minds  and  moved  the  consciences  of  men 
and  women  throughout  the  world  that  they  will  require 
their  leaders  to  act  definitely,  promptly  and  wisely  for  the 
creation  of  a  practical  common  agency  for  the  common 
protection  and  guidance  of  all  peoples. 

Providence  neither  prevents  man  from  doing  wrong  or 
compels  him  to  do  right.  He  leaves  him  a  free  moral 
agent,  to  make  or  break  himself.  He  may  ''throw  out  the 
life-line"  to  man,  but  will  let  him  sink  if  he  lacks  the  sense, 
courage  or  ambition  to  seize  it  and  survive.  And  it  is 
quite  certain  that  the  war  devil  will  not  chain  himself. 
Will  the  nations  and  races  now  rise  above  their  selfish 
aims,  mutual  fears,  jealousies  and  hatreds  and  co-operate  in 
doing  the  one  logical  necessary  thing  to  abolish  internation- 
al wars  forever?  What  will  happen  if  they  fail  to  take  that 
course?  What  may  not  happen,  in  the  present  stirred  and 
impatient  world? 

WORLD'S  GENERAL  PEACE  CONGRESS. 

The  first  formal  meeting  of  the  General  Peace  Con- 
gress, or  conference  of  the  nations,  was  held  at  Paris, 
France,  on  January  18th,  1919.  On  January  25,  1919,  the 
Congress  issued  the  following  statement  of  its  unanimous 
action. 

14 


THE  DAWNING  NEW  ERA 

"The  conference,  having  considered  the  proposals  for 
the  creation  of  a  League  of  Nations,  resolved  that : 

"It  is  essential  to  the  maintenance  of  the  world  settle- 
ment which  the  Associated  Nations  are  now  met  to  estab- 
lish that  a  League  of  Nations  be  created  to  promote  inter- 
national obligations  and  to  provide  safeguards  against  war. 
This  league  shbuld  be  created  as  an  integral  part  of  the 
general  treaty  of  peace  and  should  be  open  to  civilized 
nations  which  can  be  relied  on  to  promote  its  objects. 

"The  members  of  the  League  should  periodically  meet 
in  international  conference  and  should  have  a  permanent 
organization  and  secretaries  to  carry  on  the  business  of  the 
League  in  the  intervals  between  the  conference. 

"The  conference  therefore  appoints  a  committee  repre- 
sentative of  the  Associated  Governments  to  work  out  the 
details  of  the  Constitution  and  the  functions  of  the  league 
and  the  draft  of  resolutions  in  regard  to  breaches  of  the 
laws  of  war  for  presentation  to  the  Peace  Conference. 

*'That  a  commission  composed  of  two  representatives 
apiece  from  the  five  great  powers  and  five  representatives  to 
be  elected  by  the  other  powers  be  appointed  to  inquire  and 
report  upon  the  following: 

"1.  The  responsibility  of  the  authors  of  the  war. 

"2.  The  facts  as  to  breaches  of  the  laws  and  customs  of 
war  committed  by  the  forces  of  the  German  Empire  and 
their  allies  on  land,  on  sea  and  in  the  air  during  the  present 
war. 

"3.  The  degree  of  responsibility  for  these  offenses  at- 
taching to  particular  members  of  the  enemy's  forces,  in- 
cluding members  of  the  general  staffs  and  other  individuals, 
however  highly  placed. 

"4.  The  constitution  and  procedure  of  a  tribunal  appro- 
priate to  the  trial  of  these  offenses. 

"5.  Any  other  matter  cognate  or  ancillary  to  the  above 
which  may  arise  in  the  course  of  the  inquiry  and  which  the 
commission  finds  it  useful  and  relevant  to  take  into  consid- 
eration." 

15 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

In  moving  the  adoption  of  the  above  resolution,  Wood- 
row  Wilson,  President  of  the  United  States,  made  a  speech 
of  earnestness  and  convincing  power.  He  was  followed  by 
British  Premier  Lloyd  George,  Italian  Premier  Vittorio 
Orlando,  M.  Leon  Bourgeois  for  France  and  representa- 
tives of  other  nations,  all  heartily  supporting  the  resolutions 
and  favoring  creation  of  a  League  of  Nations.  There  was 
no  opposition.  In  stating  the  unalterable  position  of  the 
United  States,  President  Wilson  said : 

"It  would  feel  that  it  could  not  take  part  in  guarantee- 
ing those  European  settlements  unless  that  guarantee  in- 
volved the  continuous  superintendence  of  the  peace  of  the 
world  by  the  associated  nations  of  the  world. 

"Therefore  it  seems  to  me  that  we  must  concern  our 
best  judgment  in  order  to  make  this  League  of  Nations  a 
vital  thing, — a  thing  sometimes  called  into  life  to  meet  an 
exigency — ^but  always  functioning  in  watchful  attendance 
upon  the  interests  of  the  nations,  and  that  its  continuity 
should  be  a  vital  continuity;  that  its  functions  are  continu- 
ing functions  that  do  not  permit  an  intermission  of  its 
watchfulness  and  of  its  labor;  that  it  should  be  the  eye  of 
the  nations,  to  keep  watch  upon  the  common  interest — an 
eye  that  did  not  slumber,  an  eye  that  was  everywhere  watch- 
ful and  attentive.  And  if  we  do  not  make  it  vital,  what 
shall  we  do?  We  shall  disappoint  the  expectations  of  the 
peoples.     This  is  what  their  thought  centers  upon." 

British  Premier  Lloyd  George,  after  describing  to  the 
General  Peace  Congress  the  desolation  of  France  caused  by 
the  war,  which  he  had  just  seen,  said : 

"I  said  to  myself  that  it  is  surely  time  we  set  up  some 
other  method  to  settle  quarrels  than  this  organized  slaugh- 
ter. I  do  not  know  if  we  shall  succeed  in  our  enterprise, 
but  it  is  already  a  success  that  we  have  undertaken  it." 

As  the  official  representatives  of  all  the  Associated 
Nations  duly  convened  in  a  General  Peace  Congress  to  re- 
adjust and  reorganize  the  family  of  nations  have  solemnly 
declared  by  formal  resolution  unanimously     adopted     and 

16 


THE  DAWNING  NEW  ERA 

published  to  the  world  that  they  should  and  would  create 
for  their  mutual  protection  and  benefit  a  "league  of  na- 
tions," it  may  be  assumed  that  such  a  ''league"  soon  will  be 
an  accomplished  fact.  This  action,  if  all  goes  wisely  and 
well,  may  make  January  25,  1919,  a  memorable  date  in  the 
history  of  the  race,  the  turning  point  in  human  history,  the 
end  of  the  old  dispensation  and  the  beginning  of  the  New 
Era. 

What  kind  of  a  league  of  nations  will  it  be?  That  is 
the  most  important  question  confronting  the  world  now. 
Is  it  to  be  a  mere  world  treaty  alliance,  or  entente,  disguised 
or  camouflaged  with  the  name  ''League  of  Nations"  ?  Will 
it  be  just  a  loose  moral  suasion  society  under  that  preten- 
tious name,  with  power  to  meddle,  cause  complications  and 
disputes  and  involve  nations  in  dangerous  liabilities  and 
obligations,  but  with  no  ample  authority,  no  practical  gov- 
ernmental machinery  and  no  effective  police  power  under 
its  own  independent  control  to  force  individual  nations  to 
reduce  armaments  and  prevent  rearmament  and  to  compel 
order  in  the  family  of  nations?  Or,  will  the  General 
Peace  Congress  have  the  wisdom  and  courage  to  avoid  the 
old  discredited  alliance  plan  and  to  refuse  the  suggestion 
for  a  mere  temporary,  impotent,  delusive  makeshift?  Will 
it  do  the  logical,  the  obvious  thing,  create  for  the  mutual 
safety  and  benefit  of  the  nations  and  peoples  of  the  world, 
a  league  of  nations  that  will  be  a  limited  but  genuine  federal 
international  government,  a  Nation  of  Nations  with  the 
usual  successful  machinery  of  modern  representative  gov- 
ernment, legislative,  executive  and  judicial,  in  which  all 
orderly  countries  are  fairly  represented  on  an  agreed  basis, 
with  a  central  police  power  under  its  own  control,  having 
sufficient  delegated  authority  and  ample  means  for  insur- 
ing justice  and  pr^^enting  wars  between  nations? 

Most  statesmen  and  thoughtful  men  of  all  countries 
agree  that  sometime  the  nations  should  and  will  provide  for 
their  mutual  protection  and  benefit  a  federal  Nation  of  Na- 
tions in  which  they  will  all  be  represented,  to  formulate  and 

17 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

exercise  in  the  international  field  for  the  good  of  mankind 
as  a  whole  the  combined  will  and  power  of  the  nations  so 
associated.  They  will  intend  that  any  alliance  or  tempor- 
ary makeshift  organization  they  now  form  shall  gradually 
develop  into  a  restricted  international  government  of  that 
character.  It  might  do  so,  but  there  is  grave  danger  if  not 
certainty  that  the  whole  program  would  be  deranged  and 
smashed  by  discord  and  disputes  before  that  occurs.  Then 
it  would  require  another  and  greater  world  war  to  bring 
about  the  creation  of  the  Nation  of  Nations  that  now  is  so 
easily  attainable.  Why  "send  a  boy  to  do  a  man's  job"? 
Why  not  finish  the  task  now,  do  the  right  thing  and  make 
the  peoples  of  the  world  secure,  happy  and  contented?  Why 
experiment,  temporize,  procrastinate  or  delay  and  thus 
recklessly  gamble  with  fate  and  all  the  increasing  world 
forces  of  danger? 

On  January  30,  1919,  Admiral  Mayo  was  before  the 
House  Naval  Committee  of  the  Congress  urging  that  a 
billion  dollars,  a  sum  exceeding  the  entire  annual  cost  of 
running  the  United  States  government  before  the  war,  be 
spent  each  year  on  naval  construction  to  make  our's  the 
largest  navy  in  the  world.  The  committee  promptly  re- 
ported a  bill  appropriating  $750,000,000  and  congress  will 
enact  it  into  law.  No  doubt  even  a  greater  amount  will  be 
voted  to  keep  the  army  of  the  republic  up  to  the  new  stand- 
ard. This  action  is  ample  evidence  of  what  the  United 
States  will  do  in  the  way  of  increasing  instead  of  decreasing 
armaments,  and  all  other  countries  will  do  the  same  thing 
to  the  limit  of  their  resources,  unless  some  plan  is  adopted 
that  will  make  it  unnecessary  if  not  impossible  for  individ- 
ual nations  to  remain  armed  at  all,  except  to  an  agreed 
moderate  extent  for  domestic  police  purposes. 

Any  mere  alliance,  treaty  agreement,  or  non-govern- 
mental committee,  conference  or  society,  whatever  its  name 
may  be,  possessing  no  supreme  authority  in  international 
matters  and  no  central  police  power  to  enforce  respect  for 
its  authority  and  decisions,  would  cause  instead  of  prevent 

18 


THE  DAWNING  NEW  ERA 

the  increase  of  national  armaments  and  forces  as  soon  as 
the  nations  have  recovered  and  are  able  to  follow  that 
course.  It  would  increase  international  fears  and  distrust. 
Ultimate  war,  a  greater  world  conflict,  will  be  the  inevit- 
able result  of  such  an  impractical  spineless  policy.  No 
plan  at  all  is  needed  to  prevent  another  world  war  during 
the  years  when  the  nations  are  rebuilding  their  shattered 
fortunes,  but  a  very  practical  and  powerful  agency  is  need- 
ed to  prevent  an  ultimate  world  war  and  increase  of  arma- 
ments meantime. 

When  Admiral  Mayo  was  asked  his  opinion  of  the  pro- 
posed league  of  nations  he  said : 

"This  idea  is  rapidly  getting  down  to  a  sewing  circle, 
with  no  means  of  enforcement  and  with  no  international 
police  force.'* 

This  criticism,  it  must  be  confessed,  was  justified  by 
the  very  disquieting  press  reports  of  the  drift  of  events 
at  Paris  toward  a  useless  and  dangerous  compromise  on  a 
loose  international  conference  or  organization  without  au- 
thority to  decide  or  means  for  enforcing  its  decisions — a 
mere  gossiping,  meddlesome,  helpless  international  sewing 
circle  that  no  unruly  nation  would  fear  or  respect.  It  is  de- 
voutly to  be  hoped,  and  we  firmly  believe,  that  the  futility, 
folly  and  war-provoking  danger  of  such  a  scheme,  the  dis- 
credited alliance  plan,  will  become  clear  to  the  minds  of  the 
distinguished  world  statesmen  before  too  late,  and  cause 
them  to  provide  the  same  proved  and  successful  legislative, 
judicial  and  executive  governmental  machinery,  (whatever 
they  may  name  it,)  used  everywhere  else  to  establish  order 
and  peace  and  administer  justice.  Only  thus  can  efficient 
machinery  for  the  difficult  and  varying  work  in  hand  be 
provided  without  involving  individual  nations  in  unlimited 
liability  for  the  acts  of  others  and  dangerous  obligations  of 
an  unknown  character.  The  Nation  of  Nations  plan  in- 
volves no  nation  in  such  liability  or  obligation  and  therefore 
would  be  both  safe  and  attractive.     France  very  properly 

19 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

is  insisting  on  a  genuine  international  organization  with  a 
strong  central  police  power  under  its  exclusive  control. 

President  Wilson  said  that  the  League  of  Nations 
'^should  be  the  eye  of  the  nations,  to  keep  watch  upon  the 
common  interest,  an  eye  that  did  not  slumber;  an  eye  that 
was  everywhere  watchful  and  attentive/'  He  should  have 
added:  "the  League  of  Nations  shall  also  be  the  combined 
mighty  fist  of  the  nations,  ever  ready  to  protect  the  weak 
and  defenseless  nations  against  injustice  and  to  restrain  or 
punish  the  most  powerful  when  they  are  tempted  to  ad- 
venture on  schemes  of  lawless  conquest." 

MEMORIAL  TO  PEACE  COUNCIL. 

The  succeeding  chapters  of  this  book  (except  the  last 
three)  were  written  before  the  armistice  was  signed  on  No- 
vember 11,  1918.  This  preliminary  chapter  is  designed  to 
briefly  summarize  the  suggestions  made  and  discussed  in 
this  volume.  To  that  end  the  memorial  by  author  to  the 
General  Peace  Congress  is  here  published,  as  follows: 

140  Cedar  Street,  New  York  City, 
Supreme  Peace  Council,  January  22,  1919. 

Paris,  France. 
Gentlemen : 

In  the  league  of  nations  matter,  it  is  assumed  that  you 
represent  all  mankind  and  will  welcome,  hear  and  consider 
suggestions  made  even  by  private  citizens;  therefore: 

1.  Any  failure  to  adopt  a  plan  making  future  world 
wars  impossible  or  improbable  would  make  this  war  a 
failure,  even  for  the  victors.  And  it  would  be  considered 
a  confession  that  the  present  system  of  national  govern- 
ments is  inadequate  and  powerless  to  prevent  slaughter  of 
*'the  workers"  by  millions  in  war.  That  cry  would  help 
Bolshevism  extend  anarchy  to  other  countries. 

2.  An  alliance  plan  for  preventing  wars  would  seem  to 
be  merely  experimenting  with  a  system  discredited  by  this 
war.    Any  nation  by  attacking  another,  could  then  start  a 

20 


THE  DAWNING  NEW  ERA 

world  war  and  automatically  involve  all  countries  an)rtime. 
An  ^'entangling  alliance"  of  that  kind  would  be  dangerous 
and  is  unnecessary.  I  believe  most  of  the  American  peo- 
ple are  unalterably  opposed  to  it. 

3.  A  general  alliance  would  have  to  depend  upon  forty 
scattered,  unready,  competing,  jealous  national  police 
power  forces.  It  would  increase  instead  of  reduce  arma- 
ments and  burdens,  make  universal  military  training  and 
service  and  conscription  a  necessity  and  another  and 
greater  world  war  certain.  It  would  develop  ''militarism" 
in  many  countries.  It  is  neither  an  evidence  or  act  of  civi- 
ization  when  everybody  goes  fully  armed  all  the  time. 

4.  What  the  world  needs  is  one  strong  ready-to-strike 
police  power  under  one  central  management  in  which  the 
forty  nations  shall  be  fairly  represented;  then  the  forty 
national  forces  under  forty  different  and  conflicting  man- 
agements can  be  gradually  reduced  and  ultimately  largely 
abolished.  This  change  could  be  quickly  and  cheaply  made 
by  requiring  each  country  to  turn  over  say  half  of  its  arma- 
ments, and  adding  the  surrendered  German  naval  vessels. 
Is  there  any  other  practical  way  to  accomplish  the  neces- 
sary mutual  reduction  of  national  armaments?  The  cen- 
tral police  power  would  chiefly  be  a  naval  force.  In  time 
it  could  be  reduced ;  for  a  relatively  small  force  could  police 
the  world  when  it  shall  be  largely  disarmed  and  prevented 
from  rearming. 

5.  Government  is  the  only  thing  that  ever  properly  cre- 
ated and  managed  a  police  power  or  maintained  order  and 
administered  justice.  It  is  the  civilized  way.  It  is  the 
conservative  process.  There  is  nothing  radical  about  it. 
It  is  not  an  experiment.  The  family  of  nations  is  the  only 
place  where  this  successful  system  for  establishing  order 
has  not  been  employed.  Why  not  now  civilize  the  family 
of  nations  by  creating  and  setting  up  in  the  international 
field  the  usual  machinery  of  orderly  government  modified 
to  fit  the  special  situation?  Anything  else  would  be  an 
experiment. 

21 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

6.  It  should  be  a  permanent  independent  federal  gov- 
ernment composed  of  official  representatives  of  all  orderly 
nations  allotted  on  an  agreed  fair  basis.  It  would  be  neith- 
er a  world  government  or  a  super-state  over  or  above  other 
nations.  It  would  be  merely  an  international  government, 
an  artificial  body  existing  between  other  nations  and  exer- 
cising jurisdiction  only  beyond  their  boundaries  and  author- 
ity. Even  there  it  would  represent  and  wield  merely  the 
collective  will  and  judgment  of  all  nations  as  framed  and 
administered  by  the  chosen  representatives  of  such  na- 
tions, and  for  their  mutual  welfare.  But  it  must  have 
executive,  legislative  and  judicial  branches,  functions  and 
powers,  the  usual  machinery  of  modern  representative 
government. 

7.  The  Supreme  Senate,  in  which  all  loyal  nations 
would  be  equitably  represented,  would  enact  all  interna- 
tional laws,  the  General  Supreme  Court  would  construe 
such  laws  and  administer  justice  in  accordance  with  the 
Supreme  Constitution,  the  Supreme  President  would  be 
the  chief  executive,  and  the  Supreme  Council,  composed  of 
say  twenty-five  of  the  leading  statesmen  of  various  coun- 
tries, would  check  and  guide  the  Supreme  President  in  the 
exercise  of  his  functions  and  the  use  of  the  police  power 
forces.  Why  should  the  world  be  given  a  less  complete 
and  efficient  instrumentality  for  regulating  the  international 
field?  The  regular  meeting  together  of  the  representatives 
of  all  nations  in  the  Nation  of  Nations  for  high  objects 
should  increase  international  confidence  and  friendships. 

8.  The  name  ''Nation  of  Nations''  would  plainly  show 
that  it  was  a  federal  government  created  by  the  nations  for 
their  common  protection  and  purposes ;  and  that  name 
could  readily  be  translated  into  various  languages.  All  its 
powers  would  be  delegated,  coupled  with  proper  restrictions 
and  safeguards,  by  the  individual  nations,  and  enumerated 
in  its  constitution.  But  there  would  be  no  delegation,  sur- 
render or  limitation  of  national  ''sovereignty."  As  you  so 
well  know,  an  independent  nation  can,  without  impairing 

22 


THE  DAIVNING  NEW  ERA 

its  sovereignty,  voluntarily  limit  its  freedom  of  action  to  be- 
gin a  v^ar,  just  as  it  can  to  fish  in  certain  waters.  Of  course 
any  nation,  because  it  is  sovereign,  can  violate  its  agree- 
ments of  honor,  but  it  would  be  unlikely  to  do  it  when 
certain  of  prompt  and  adequate  punishment  by  the  strong 
central  police  power  under  the  exclusive  control  of  the 
Nation  of  Nations.  The  fact  that  its  sea  Hcense  could  be 
cancelled,  its  commerce  driven  from  the  oceans  and  all  in- 
tercourse with  other  countries  by  way  of  the  seas  prevent- 
ed, would  be  sufficient  to  deter  any  commercial  nation  from 
violating  the  common  covenant  of  peace. 

9.  You  may  find  that  a  well  organized  mutual  Nation 
of  Nations  will  be  needed  to  act  as  a  general  receiver  to 
take  over  and  administer  for  the  good  of  inhabitants  and 
the  impartial  benefit  of  the  associated  nations,  all  captured 
German  colonies  and  disputed  territories  and  waters  not 
otherwise  amicably  and  satisfactorily  disposed  of.  Suit- 
able naval  and  military  bases  for  use  of  the  police  power 
forces  of  the  Nation  of  Nations  can  thus  be  lawfully  ob- 
tained in  different  parts  of  the  world.  The  opportunity  may 
never  come  again.  The  Nation  of  Nations  should  also  be 
granted  a  permanent  easement  or  right  for  its  police  power 
forces  to  go  and  come  on  the  Rhine  and  Danube  and  in 
adjacent  territories,  and  also  in  countries  liberated  by  th^s 
war.  A  complete  plan  for  effectively  and  permanently 
policing  the  whole  world  by  a  governmental  agency  repre- 
senting the  authority  of  the  whole  world  should  be  formu- 
lated now. 

10.  The  moral,  economic  and  physical  power  of  the  peo- 
ples of  the  world  is  ample  to  insure  pr  enforce  permanent 
peace  without  war  or  insanely  large,  competing,  dangerous 
national  armaments  and  armies.  It  only  lacks  proper  or- 
ganization and  suitable  machinery  for  bringing  such  irre- 
sistible power  to  bear  directly  in  the  right  way,  at  the  right 
time  and  in  the  right  place.  To  create  such  machinery 
is  your  high  privilege  and  sacred  duty.  Without  it,  the 
system  of  nations,  civilization  and  the  entire  human  race 

23 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

must  be  left  exposed  to  deadly  danger  if  not  to  destruction 
during  future  wars.  Permanent  "peace  on  earth,  good 
will  to  all  men,"  is  now  within  the  reach  of  man  for  the 
first  time,  and  the  Supreme  Peace  Council  has  the  fateful 
decision.  With  the  highest  respect  and  hopes,  I  remain. 
Faithfully  yours, 

Alfred  Owen  Crozier. 
In  view  of  the  character  of  the  plan  set  forth  in  the 
"Constitution"  for  a  League  of  Nations  (hereinafter  given 
and  discussed)  read  by  President  Wilson  to  the  Paris  Gen- 
eral Peace  Congress  on  February  14,  1919,  and  the  more 
recent  action  of  nearly  half  of  the  members  of  the  United 
States  Senate  in  signing  a  written  statement  that  they 
would  vote  against  ratifying  a  treaty  containing  a  consti- 
tution of  that  character,  and  thus  making  ratification  by 
the  United  States  impossible,  it  may  become  highly  import- 
ant to  clearly  establish  the  fact  that  the  one  practical  al- 
ternative Plan,  the  suggestion  of  an  international  govern- 
ment or  Nation  of  Nations,  described  in  the  above  memor- 
ial, actually  was  presented  for  consideration  to  those  offi- 
cially engaged  in  the  negotiations  as  members  of  the 
General  Peace  Congress.  This  can  be  done  without  here 
publishing  the  perhaps  twenty  letters  on  this  subject  written 
to  President  Wilson  during  the  last  four  years  by  author, 
or  his  other  letters  to  Secretary  Lansing,  Mr.  House, 
Lloyd-George,  Balfour,  Lord  Grey,  Lord  Northcliffe. 
Bourgeois,  Clemanceau  and  others.  The  following  letter 
just  received  will  be  accepted  as  sufficient  evidence  of  that 
fact: 

AMERICAN  COMMISSSION  TO  NEGOTIATE  PEACE. 

Mr.  Alfred  Owen  Crozier,  Paris,  Feb.  11,  1919. 

140  Cedar  Street, 
New  York  City,  U.  S.  A. 
Sir: 

By  direction,  I  beg  to  acknowledge  receipt  of  your  letter 
of  the  22nd  ultimo,  addressed    to  the    Honorable    Robert 

24 


THE  DAWNING  NEW  ERA 

Lansing,  Paris,  France,  enclosing  a  copy  of  a  communica- 
tion addressed  by  you  on  the  same  day  to  the  "Supreme 
Peace  Council,''  Paris,  France,  making  certain  suggestions 
with  respect  to  the  organization  of  the  proposed  League 
of  Nations. 

As  you  have  doubtless  learned  from  the  newspapers, 
the  creation  of  a  League  of  Nations  is  now  having  the 
serious  consideration  of  the  preliminary  peace  conference 
at  Paris  which,  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt,  will  give  your 
communication  an  attentive  reading. 

I  am,  Sir, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

L  C.  Grew,  Secretary. 


25 


CHAPTER  11. 

THE  NATION  OF  NATIONS  PLAN. 

President  Wilson,  during  his  New  York  address  on  Sep- 
tember 27th,  1918,  publicly  announced  for  the  first  time  a 
great  new  American  Doctrine.  It  was  a  memorable  mes- 
sage to  mankind.  Universal  Justice  for  all  peoples  was 
proclaimed.  Henceforth  the  world  should  be  absolutely 
free  from  the  danger  of  wars  betweens  nations.  That 
should  be  the  priceless  fruit  plucked  from  the  bitter  tree 
of  this  titanic  world  conflict. 

To  accomplish  these  world  important  things  a  definite 
workable  plan  is  necessary.  A  program  of  action  must  be 
formulated  and  followed.  Such  blessings  would  not  come 
to  the  human  race  automatically,  and  when  gained  they 
could  be  retained  only  by  ceaseless  vigilence. 

WORLD   FEDERATION    BUT   NOT   UNION. 

The  great  democracies  of  the  world  are  scattered  and 
divided  into  many  national  units.  Differences  of  race  and 
language  make  their  physical  union  impractical  and  im- 
possible. But  it  is  practical  to  federate  their  separate  na- 
tional police  powers  into  one  great  central  force  of  an  over- 
whelming character  under  common  control  for  their  mutual 
and  impartial  protection.  Then  abolish  or  greatly  reduce 
all  national  forces  and  armaments.  That  is  the  only  way 
the  world  can  be  made  and  kept  ''safe  for  democracy." 
And  it  must  be  done  now,  at  the  end  of  this  conflict,  or  it 
never  will  be  done  at  all.  The  frightful  losses  of  lives  and 
treasure  will  not  have  been  in  vain  if  a  new  system  of  this 
character  shall  be  adopted.  But  the  high  price  humanity 
has  paid  entitles  mankind  to  a  complete  and  thorough-going 
system,  not  a  mere  make-shift  compromise. 

It  seems  to  be  the  concensus  of  world  opinion,  forced 
by  the  logic  of  events  and  the  necessities  of  the  new  situa- 

26 


THE  NATION  OF  NATIONS  PLAN 

tion  created  by  this  war,  that  a  league  of  nations  must  be 
formed  to  establish  and  maintain  international  Justice  and 
Peace. 

What  kind  of  a  league  of  nations  shall  it  be?  Should 
it  be  merely  an  alliance,  a  world  entente,  based  on  treaty 
agreements — "scraps  of  paper" — or  must  it  be  a  genuine 
and  pi.rmonent  international  organization  or  instrumentality 
with  proper  functions  and  ample  power  to  guard  the  family 
of  nations  and  prevent  future  world  wars? 

The  President  of  the  United  States,  in  his  New  York 
speech,  seemed  to  largely  settle  this  question  definitely. 
He  stated  what  was  to  be  the  policy  of  this  country;  and 
the  influence  of  the  United  States  and  the  President  is  such 
as  to  make  it  reasonably  certain  that  other  nations  gen- 
erally would  adopt  the  same  policy.  President  Wilson  then 
said: 

"THAT  INDISPENSABLE  INSTRTTMFNTALITY 
IS  A  LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS  FORMED  UNDER 
COVENANTS  THAT  WILL  BE  EFFICACIOUS.  *  *  * 
AND,  AS  I  SEE  IT,  THE  CONSTITUTION  OF  THAT 
LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS  AND  THE  CLEAR  DEFINI- 
TION OF  ITS  OBJECTS  MUST  BE  A  PART— IS  IN 
A  SENSE  THE  MOST  ESSENTIAL  PART— OF  THE 
PEACE  SETTLEMENT  ITSELF." 

TWO  GENERAL  PLANS, 

Two  general  plans  have  been  suggested  and  discussed 
here  and  abroad : 

L  A  league  of  nations  that  shall  be  nothing  more  than 
a  world  defensive  alliance,  a  mere  treaty  agreement,  signed 
by  all  governments  if  possible.  That  is  the  plan  proposed 
by  the  League  to  Enforce  Peace,  of  which  former  President 
Taft  is  the  head.  This  plan  was  formulated  June  17,  1915, 
at  Philadelphia. 

2.  A  league  of  nations  that  shall  be  a  new,  distinct, 
complete,  working  governmental  organization,  sovereign  in 

27 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

the  international  field  only,  possessing  limited  powers  and 
duties  mutually  granted  to  it  by  all  the  various  nations; 
those  powers,  duties  and  limitations  being  set  forth  in  its 
supreme  constitution.  Such  organization,  to  be  most  prac- 
tical and  effective  for  the  high  purposes  in  view,  necessarily 
must  be  in  the  nature  of  a  governmental  body,  having 
proper  authority,  ample  police  power  and  the  usual  legisla- 
tive, executive  and  judicial  branches  and  functions.  It 
should  be  a  representative  government  of  the  governments 
created  by  the  various  nations  for  their  mutual  protection 
and  welfare.  Such  a  league  of  nations  may  be  called 
Nation  of  Nations,  Society  of  Nations,  Council  of  Nations, 
League  of  Nations  or  any  other  suitable  name.  The  name 
is  relatively  unimportant.  For  brevity  we  will  call  it 
''Nation  of  Nations."  That  name  would  express  the  true 
character  of  the  organization  and  be  most  readily  trans- 
lated into  the  various  languages.  But  it  must  have  a  written 
constitution.  Of  course  each  country  would  be  equitably 
represented  in  its  management  and  control.  This  plan  was 
prepared  by  the  author  of  this  volume  on  August  10,  1914. 
and  first  published  in  October,  1914. 

THE   TWO    SYSTEMS    COMPARED. 

The  first,  or  alliance  plan,  would  be  similar  to  the  entente 
and  triple  alliances,  except  that  an  effort  would  b^  made 
to  have  all  instead  of  part  of  the  nations  sign  the  general 
treaty  agreement.  It  is  the  identical  plan  now  found  to  be 
a  mere  rope  of  sand  when  the  inevitable  crisis  comes,  and 
useless  to  prevent  war. 

The  second,  or  Nation  of  Nations  plan,  would  be  a 
theoretical  federation  of  the  nations  for  certain  limited 
objects.  It  would  be  much  like  the  federal  government  of 
the  United  States,  except  that  its  delegated  exclusive  pow- 
ers would  be  more  limited,  while  its  field  of  operations 
and  jurisdiction  would  be  entirely  outside  instead  of  inside 
of  the  boundaries  of  the  various  states  or  nations  co-operat- 

28 


THE  NATION  OF  NATIONS  PLAN 

ing  in  its  creation  and  enjoying  its  protection.  It  would 
be  strictly  an  international  entity,  existing  and  acting  be- 
tween and  not  within  or  above  the  several  countries.  There 
would  be  a  nomin^l--€enfederation''oT  the  world's  nations 
and  peoples  but  only  to  create  a  simple  governmental  in- 
strumentality that  would  establish  international  justice  and 
prevent  future  world  wars.  That  is  all.  Nothing  more  is 
desired,  needed  or  intended. 

The  only  political  organizations  possessing  formal  con- 
stitutions are  governments,  some  kind  of  supreme  authority 
with  a  police  power.  Alliances  never  have  constitutions. 
Therefore  it  can  of  course  be  fairly  assumed  that  when 
President  Wilson  said  the  coming  league  of  nations  must 
have  a  constitution  he  at  that  time  intended  to  formally 
put  the  United  States  on  the  side  of  the  second  of  the  above 
plans  and  thereby  rejected  the  first,  the  alliance  plan  of  the 
League  to  Enforce  Peace.  We  will  describe  what  seem  to 
be  the  logical  details  without  claiming  any  authority  to 
speak  for  the  President  in  the  matter. 

To  determine  the  wisdom  of  that  action  by  the  President 
of  the  republic,  and  his  subsequent  course  at  the  General 
Peace  Congress,  it  is  necessary  and  proper  to  consider  and 
compare  such  two  plans  in  detail.  The  alliance  plan  will 
be  considered  first.  After  that  the  second  plan  will  be 
fully  described. 

BATTLE  OF  ARMAGEDDON? 

Those  who  accept  the  Bible  and  its  inspiration  consider 
this  the  great  battle  of  Armageddon,  to  be  followed  by  the 
promised  thousand  years  of  peace  on  earth.  The  Millenium, 
then,  is  to  be  part  of  this  world,  this  life,  not  of  the  next. 
But  the  devil  of  war  must  be  chained  by  human  hands  and 
kept  chained  by  human  agencies.  That  is  the  stupendous 
task  to  be  performed  now,  at  the  end  of  this  conflict,  by  a 
great  constitutional  Nation  of  Nations  that  shall  martial, 
regulate    and    wisely    direct    the    overwhelming    combined 

29 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

police  power  of  all  the  nations  and  keep  it  always  ready 
to  strike,  if  necessary,  for  the  impartial  protection  of  every 
loyal  member  of  the  family  of  nations.  It  must  protect  the 
peaceful  many  nations,  large  and  small,  against  the  brutal 
few. 

This  is  by  far  the  biggest  question  mankind  ever  had 
to  face.  It  is  the  first  and  greatest  opportunity  for  genuine 
and  permanent  constructive  action,  and  it  may  be  the  last. 
Unless  civilization  is  a  failure  and  the  human  race  utterly 
impotent  to  save  itself  from  self  destruction,  this  problem 
of  the  ages  will  now  be  solved  and  settled  right.  The  time 
to  act  is  at  hand.  Every  intelligent  person  should  compare 
and  earnestly  study  these  plans  and  help  form  that  great 
body  of  enlightened  world  opinion  on  which  all  Govern- 
ments hereafter  must  rely  for  guidance  and  power. 


30 


CHAPTER  III. 

THE  WORLD  ALLIANCE  PLAN. 

The  League  to  Enforce  Peace,  with  former  President 
Taft  at  its  head,  was  organized  at  Philadelphia,  June  17, 
1915.  Its  proposed  plan  was  set  forth  in  detail  in  the  fol- 
lowing declaration  of  policy  then  adopted: 

"We,  therefore,  believe  it  to  be  desirable  for  the  United 
States  to  join  a  league  of  nations  binding  the  signatories 
to  the  following: 

"First:  All  justiciable  questions  arising  between  the 
signatory  Powers,  not  settled  by  negotiations,  shall,  subject 
to  the  limitations  of  treaties,  be  submitted  to  a  judicial 
tribunal  for  hearing  and  judgment,  both  upon  the  merits 
and  upon  any  issue  as  to  its  jurisdiction  of  the  question. 

"Second:  All  other  questions  arising  between  the  sig- 
natories and  not  settled  by  negotiations  shall  be  submitted 
to  a  council  of  conciliation  for  hearing,  consideration,  and 
recommendation. 

"Third:  The  signatory  Powers  shall  jointly  use  forth- 
with both  their  economic  and  military  forces  against  any 
one  of  their  number  that  goes  to  war,  or  commits  acts  of 
hostility,  against  another  of  the  signatories  before  any 
question  arising  shall  be  submitted  as  provided  in  the 
foregoing. 

"Fourth:  Conferences  between  the  signatory  Powers 
shall  be  held  from  time  to  time  to  formulate  and  codify 
rules  of  international  law,  which,  unless  some  signatory 
shall  signify  its  dissent  within  a  stated  period,  shall  there- 
after govern  in  the  decisions  of  the  Judicial  Tribunal  men- 
tioned in  Article  I.'* 

ONLY  AN  ALLIANCE. 

The  league  of  nations  proposed  by  the  above  plan  clearly 
was  only  an  alliance.     It  might  include  all  or  only  part 

31 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

of  the  nations.  An  agreement  or  treaty  containing  the 
above  four  articles  would  be  drawn  up  and  signed  by  such 
"signatory  Powers"  as  might  approve  it.  The  League  to 
Enforce  Peace  simply  said :  "We,  therefore,  believe  it  to  be 
desirable  for  the  United  States  to  join  a  league  of  nations 
binding  the  signatories  to  the  following":  (said  four  arti- 
cles). That  was  all.  It  did  not  suggest  any  other  machinery 
or  propose  to  bind  the  "signatory"  nations  to  anything  else. 
All  nations  refusing  to  sign  would  not  be  bound.  They 
would  be  on  one  side  and  the  signers,  in  alliance,  on  the 
other.  Virtually,  the  world  would  be  left  with  two  alliances, 
divided  into  two  armed  camps.  Wherein  does  that  plan 
differ  in  any  essential  from  present  treaty  alliances  proved 
by  this  war  to  be  ineffective  for  preventing  conflicts?  In 
what  legal  or  practical  sense  does  it  differ  from  the  alliance 
proposed  in  the  "Constitution"  for  a  League  of  Nations 
drafted  at  Paris  but  not  yet  adopted? 

There  was  in  those  four  articles  no  thought  of  a  league 
of  nations  that  would  be  a  permanent  international  organi- 
zation with  a  constitution,  such  as  President  Wilson  said 
at  New  York  must  now  be  created. 

UNOBJECTIONABLE   FEATURES. 

Article  one  says  "Justiciable"  questions  shall  all  be 
disposed  of  finally  by  a  Judicial  Tribunal,  similar  to  the 
Hague.  Article  two  says  all  other  questions  arising  be- 
tween nations  in  the  alliance  shall  be  heard  by  a  commission 
or  council  of  conciliation  that  would  not  have  power  to 
decide  the  question  but  could  only  "recommend."  Article 
four  provides  for  occasional  "conferences,"  like  those  held 
at  the  Hague,  to  make  "rules"  to  be  followed  only  by  the 
"Judicial  Tribunal  mentioned  in  Article  I."  Such  "rules" 
would  not  be  "laws,"  because  a  "conference"  is  not  a  legis- 
lative body. 

The  provisions  of  articles  one,  two  and  four  are  unob- 
jectionable. In  fact  they  are  commendable.  They  repre- 
sent an  advance,  perhaps  a  rather  vague  and  timid  advance, 

32 


THE   WORLD  ALLIANCE  PLAN 

or  an  attempt  to  patch  up  and  slightly  enlarge  the  Hague 
plan.  But  no  way  is  suggested  for  enforcing  the  '']Mdg- 
ments'*  of  the  Judicial  Tribunal  and  either  party  to  a  dis- 
pute heard  by  the  council  of  conciliation  may  lawfully 
ignore  its  ''Recommendation."  They  can  even  go  to  war 
without  violating  the  treaty  of  alliance,  for  they  shall  then 
have  complied  strictly  with  article  two. 

Such  a  plan  provides  no  insurance  against  war.  One 
of  the  fatal  defects  in  the  Hague  scheme  is  that  there  is  no 
way  to  enforce  the  decisions  of  its  tribunals.  It  has  no 
police  power  under  its  control.  It  is  like  a  law  without  a 
penalty,  or  means  to  enforce  it,  impotent.  It  has  only 
moral  power,  but  that  is  not  sufficient  in  a  world  containing 
unmoral  autocratic  nations.  This  plan  does  not  cure  that 
fatal  defect.  Further,  it  provides  no  way  to  give  accepted 
international  usages  the  authority  of  legislative  sanction 
so  they  may  become  in  fact  genuine  international  laws  and 
bind  and  guide  all  countries  and  thus  avoid  resorts  to  arms. 
In  fact,  even  the  "rules"  formulated  by  the  "conferences" 
of  the  Powers  (article  4)  for  the  guidance  of  the  "Ju<^icial 
Tribunal"  cannot  become  effective  if  just  one  power  vetoes 
them.  How  many  laws  would  be  enacted  if  every  law 
passed  could  be  vetoed  by  any  one  citizen  ?  Therefore  even 
the  unobjectionable  part  of  the  plan  of  the  League  to 
Enforce  Peace  is  unworkable. 

A  STARTLING  PROPOSAL. 

Article  three,  however,  is  a  startling  innovation.  It 
proposes  that  all  nations  joining  the  alliance  shall,  far  in 
advance  of  possible  disputes,  blindly  and  completely  bind 
themselves  by  such  treaty  agreement  to  all  "forthwith"  use 
their  "economic  and  military  forces"  in  an  immediate  joint 
attack  on  any  nation  in  the  alliance  whenever  such  nation 
"goes  to  war  or  commits  any  act  of  hostility  against  another 
of  the  signatories"  before  the  dispute  has  been  heard  by 
the  Judicial  Tribunal  or  council  of  conciliation,  as  in  articles 
on«  and  two. 

33 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

Who  is  to  decide  whether  the  accused  nation  was  the 
aggressor?  No  plan  or  machinery  for  ascertaining  and  de- 
termining the  fact  of  guilt  or  innocence  is  proposed  or  even 
suggested.  And  yet  a  large  portion  of  all  great  wars  have 
begun  in  a  way  to  leave  the  world  in  honest  doubt  as  to 
which  nation  really  was  the  aggressor.  Most  of  the  entire 
neutral  world  for  months  was  kept  in  doubt  as  to  the  na- 
tion responsible  for  beginning  this  war.  Each  side  accused 
the  other.  It  took  two  years  for  the  facts  to  leak  out,  from 
high  German  sources,  and  convince  the  neutral  countries 
that  this  great  conflict  was  deliberately  begun  for  conquest 
by  Germany  and  its  Allies.  Going  to  war  "forthwith" 
against  an  accused  nation  without  any  judicial  inquiry  as  to 
the  facts  would  be  the  introduction  of  lynch  law  into  the 
family  of  nations  by  formal  treaty  agreement  signed  by  all 
countries.  Disputes  over  this  and  other  matters  soon  would 
occur  within  the  alHance.  Some  nations  honestly  and 
others  perhaps  in  bad  faith  would  refuse  to  join  their  forces 
in  attacks  on  every  accused  nation.  The  alliance  then 
would  go  to  smash.  Probably  the  nations  in  the  alliance 
would  dispute,  quarrel  and  then  go  to  war  with  each  other. 

At  the  time  of  the  recent  Philadelphia  meeting  of  the 
League  to  Enforce  Peace,  in  May,  1918,  an  unsuccessful 
effort  was  made  to  induce  the  League  to  change  or  amend 
its  world  treaty  alliance  plan  by  substituting  the  plan  for  a 
genuine  international  organization  with  a  constitution,  such 
as  seemed  to  have  been  favored  by  President  Wilson  in  his 
New  York  speech.  A  prominent  officer  of  that  organization 
then  told  the  writer  that  they  were  afraid  the  League  would 
be  divided  and  destroyed  if  it  attempted  to  propose  any- 
thing definite  or  specific.  But  the  time  has  come  when  a 
plan  that  is  definite,  constructive  and  practical  is  required, 
if  the  world's  future  is  to  be  made  secure. 


34 


CHAPTER  IV. 

LEAGUE  TO  ENFORCE  PEACE  ACTION. 

The  League  to  Enforce  Peace  spent  large  sums  for 
propaganda  here  and  abroad.  It  flooded  newspapers  with 
prepared  data.  The  press  certainly  has  treated  it  generously. 
Local  leagues  and  committees  were  formed  by  active  agents 
everywhere.  Legislatures  were  asked  to  pass  resolutions. 
Many  excellent  men  have  been  drawn  into  the  enterprise, 
but  some  do  not  yet  understand  the  plan  to  which  they 
have  given  their  active  or  moral  support.  Others,  some 
of  them  of  national  and  international  prominence,  on  dis- 
covering the  facts  abandoned  the  movement  as  futile. 

Unfortunately,  much  confusion  of  thought,  grave  doubts 
and  opposition  have  been  occasioned  by  the  League,  par- 
ticularly in  England  and  other  foreign  countries.  It  tended 
to  give  the  false  impression  abroad  that  the  American 
people  favored  a  mere  alliance.  Statesmen  and  other  able 
men  have  expressed  scepticism  or  hostility.  They  say  they 
favor  the  principle  of  a  league  of  nations  but  do  not  see 
how  it  can  be  made  to  work  in  practice.  The  only  kind 
exploited  over  there  is  that  shown  in  the  four  articles  of 
the  declaration  of  the  League  to  Enforce  Peace  which 
trained  statesmen  see  is  impractical  and  visionary.  And 
yet  leaders  in  allied  countries  hesitated  to  oppose  or  expose 
the  fatal  defects  of  the  plan  because  the  public  had  been 
led  to  believe  that  the  United  States  and  its  President,  and 
the  American  people,  all  earnestly  want  just  the  kind  of  a 
league  of  nations  alliance  proposed  by  the  League  to  En- 
force Peace. 

It  is  time  the  people  here  and  abroad  learn  just  what 
that  League  to  Enforce  Peace  plan  is  and  means.  Of 
course  no  reflection  on  the  excellent  gentlemen  comprising 
the  official  roster  of  that  organization  is  intended.  No 
doubt  they  will  welcome  plain  and  candid  analysis  of  their 
alliance  plan. 

35 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

PLAN  WOULD  CAUSE  WARS. 

Suppose  a  world  alliance  precisely  like  that  proposed 
by  those  four  articles  was  formed  and  all  nations  had  signed 
the  treaty,  what  would  happen?    What  might  not  happen! 

Just  as  soon  as  one  nation  violated  the  common  treaty 
agreement,  all  the  other  nations,  according  to  their  solemn 
treaty  obligation,  would  be  obliged  to  "forthwith"  go  to 
war  against  such  offending  nation,  and,  of  course,  its  allies. 
That  would  he  another  world  war.  It  would  be  a  greater 
conflict  than  the  present  because  every  nation  on  earth 
necessarily  would  be  actively  engaged.  Every  future  war 
then  automatically  would  become  a  world  war. 

Would  any  sane  country  join  a  league  of  nations  of  that 
character  or  make  a  treaty  alliance  agreement  of  that  kind? 
Would  it  tie  itself  irrevocably  to  a  plan  making  it  possible 
for  any  one  nation,  by  simply  attacking  another  nation,  to 
easily  start  another  world  war  suddenly  any  time?  Must 
the  world  continue  dependent  solely  on  the  will  of  one 
mad  monarch  for  peace  and  security?  Every  country  then 
would  have  to  arm  to  the  teeth  and  stay  armed  and  pre- 
pared for  war.  All  would  go  on  to  a  permanent  military- 
basis.  That  is  what  the  world  is  determined  to  avoid.  It 
is  the  situation  that  breeds  dangerous  autocracies  and  some- 
body somewhere  sometime  would  throw  a  match  into  the 
universal  powder  magazine  and  once  again  blow  up  the 
world's  peace. 

IS  THE  PLAN  CONSTITUTIONAL? 

Could  the  United  States  lawfully  join  any  such  alliance 
or  make  a  treaty  of  that  character?  The  President  and 
Senate  is  the  treaty-making  power.  Could  that  power  con- 
stitutionally bind  the  United  States  by  a  treaty  that  would 
compel  this  country  to  go  to  war  again  and  again  with  all 
its  forces  and  resources  whenever  any  nation  anywhere  on 
earth  thus  attacked  another  nation,  and  this  without  any 
right  to  determine  for  itself  at  the  time  the  trouble  occurs? 

36 


LEAGUE   TO   ENFORCE  PEACE   ACTION 

Congress  represents  the  people.  Is  it  within  the  treaty- 
making  power  (President  and  Senate)  to  thus  deprive 
Congress  without  its  consent  of  its  constitutional  right  to 
determine  when  this  country  shall  go  to  war?  Or,  to  dele- 
gate that  power  to  a  league  or  alliance  controlled  by  foreign 
nations?  If  not,  then  clearly  any  such  treaty  would  be 
unconstitutional  and  the  United  States  could  not  join  a 
league  of  nations  of  that  kind.  This  country  certainly 
should  not  propose  to  its  allies  any  plan  it  cannot  itself 
lawfully  adopt. 

On  the  other  hand,  suppose  it  should  be  held  that  such 
a  treaty  could  be  constitutionally  made,  for  the  reason  that 
Congress,  without  any  such  reservation  being  stated  in  the 
treaty,  always  would  have  implied  power  to  decide  the 
question  of  war  because  it  would  have  the  right  to  deter- 
mine for  itself  whether  the  accused  nation  was  or  was  not 
guilty  and  the  proposed  war  justified.  It  could  arbitrarily 
say  the  accused  nation  was  innocent  when  its  guilt  was 
obvious  to  all.  In  such  circumstances  this  country  could 
always  go  to  war  or  refuse  to  do  it.  Of  course  every  other 
country  would  have  the  same  right.  The  alliance  then  never 
could  know  whether  in  any  case  it  would  have  the  armed 
support  of  all  or  any  of  its  member- nations.  That  would 
make  it  impotent  and  useless.  While  pretending  to  com- 
bine the  martial  forces  of  all  nations  to  be  used  ''forthwith" 
against  any  offending  nation,  it  in  fact  would  combine 
nothing.  The  whole  thing  would  be  merely  a  huge  bluff. 
Common  knowledge  of  this  fact  and  fatal  weakness  would 
encourage  violations  of  the  treaty  and  soon  destroy  the 
alliance. 

Surely  the  United  States  either  could  not  if  it  would,  or 
would  not  if  it  could,  join  any  such  delusive  alliance.  It 
would  be  just  the  kind  of  ''entangling  alliance"  against 
which  Washington  and  Jefferson  and  Lincoln  wisely  and 
solemnly  warned  the  American  people,  and  they  will  not 
ignore  that  prophetic  advice.  An  alliance  of  that  kind 
might  become  a  devil's  endless  chain  and  drag  all  nations 

37 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

and  peoples  to  destruction.  It  would  cause  instead  of  pre- 
vent future  wars,  many  of  them.  Obviously  it  is  not  the 
remedy  for  war  being  anxiously  sought  by  all  mankind. 
And  it  is  not  necessary  to  try  such  a  dangerous  experiment 
when  another  plan  that  is  practical,  safe  and  unobjection- 
able is  available. 

ALLIANCE  PLAN  NOT  PRACTICAL. 

The  League  to  Enforce  Peace  plan  is  wholly  impractical 
for  another  reason.  It  proposes  to  rely  only  on  the  forty 
scattered  and  unready  national  forces  or  police  powers  and 
to  negotiate  for  their  co-operative  armed  action  only  after 
the  crisis  occurs.  The  nation  that  wantonly  starts  war  will 
be  ready,  just  as  Germany  was  this  time  and  it  might  win 
before  the  other  nations  could  prepare  and  get  their  widely 
scattered  forces  together.  Has  not  this  war  driven  that 
tremendous  fact  home  in  the  minds  of  all  men?  There 
must  be  one  overwhelming,  central,  re^dy-to-strike  police 
power  under  one  strong,  impartial,  mutual  management,  in- 
stead of  forty  widely  separated  and  unprepared  police 
powers  under  forty  different,  independent,  confticting  na- 
tional managements,  if  brutal  irresponsible  autocracies  are 
to  be  kept  within  bounds  and  the  world's  peace  made  se- 
cure and  permanent.  So  long  as  there  are  hereditary  kings 
claiming  to  rule  by  divine  right,  new  autocracies  may  arise 
to  menace  the  world's  peace. 

If  the  Allies  in  this  conflict  had  not  at  last  put  all  of 
their  many  national  armies  under  absolute  control  of  one 
central  directing  management — Marshal  Foch — Germany 
probably  would  have  won  the  war  and  the  Kaiser  now  be 
master  of  the  world. 

The  kind  of  a  league  of  nations  that  would  be  only  a 
world  treaty  alliance  would  be  a  dangerous  delusion  and 
snare.  The  kind  that  would  be  a  limited  constitutional  Nation 
of  Nations  would  be  practical,  safe  and  no  doubt  satisfac- 
tory to  every  civilized  country. 

38 


CHAPTER  V. 

LEAGUE  REVERSES  ITS  POSITION. 

Ihe  President  on  September  27,  1918,  announced  that 
the  policy  of  the  United  States  would  be  the  creation  of  an 
international  instrumentality  with  a  constitution,  which  of 
course  was  understood  to  mean  a  regular  government  with 
the  usual  legislative,  executive  and  judicial  branches  and 
functions.  One  month  later,  on  November  24,  1918,  after 
preceding  chapters  of  this  volume  (except  Chapter  I)  had 
been  prepared,  the  League  to  Enforce  Peace  announced  a 
new  platform  that  had  been  formulated  by  a  committee  of 
which  William  H.  Taft,  A.  Lawrence  Lowell,  Oscar  S. 
Straus,  Theodore  Marburg,  Hamilton  Holt,  Talcott  Wil- 
liams, William  H.  Short  and  Glenn  Frank  were  members. 

The  new  platform  is  an  absolute  reversal  of  the  plan 
adopted  by  the  League  to  Enforce  Peace  when  it  was  or- 
ganize on  June  17,  1915.  It  abandoned  the  world  treaty 
alliance  plan  it  had  been  promoting  all  over  the  world,  and 
began  advocating  the  plan  President  Wilson  seemed  to  have 
publicly  approved  on  September  27,  1918.  Its  new  plat- 
form demanded  an  international  government  with  legisla- 
tive, executive  and  judicial  branches  and  functions.  Thus 
the  League  adopted  the  precise  plan  for  a  Nation  of  Nations 
that  was  formulated  by  author  on  August  10,  1914,  and 
sent  to  the  President  on  August  18,  1914. 

NEW   PLAN   OF   LEAGUE. 

The  new  platform  of  the  League  to  Enforce  Peace  an- 
nounced November  24,  1918,  says  that  it  is  necessary  to 
create : 

"1.  For  the  decision  of  justiciable  questions,  an  impar- 
tial tribunal  whose  jurisdiction  shall  not  depend  upon  the 
assent  of  the  parties  to  the  controversy;  provision  to  be 
made  for  enforcing  its  decisions. 

39 


LEAGUE    OF    NATIONS 

"2.  For  questions  that  are  not  justiciable  in  their  char- 
acter, a  Council  of  Conciliation,  as  mediator,  which  shall 
hear,  consider,  and  make  recommendations;  and  failing 
acquiescence  by  the  parties  concerned,  the  league  shall  de- 
termine what  action,  if  any,  shall  be  taken. 

"3.  An  administrative  organization  for  the  conduct  of 
affairs  of  common  interest,  the  protection  and  care  of 
backward  regions  and  internationalized  places,  and  such 
matters  as  have  been  jointly  administered  before  and  during 
the  war.  We  hold  that  this  object  must  be  attained  by 
methods  and  through  machinery  that  will  insure  both  sta- 
bility and  progress;  preventing,  on  the  one  hand,  any  crys- 
talization  of  the  status  quo  that  will  defeat  the  forces  of 
healthy  growth  and  change,  and  providing,  on  the  other 
hand,  a  way  by  which  progress  can  be  secured  and  neces- 
sary change  effected  without  recourse  to  war. 

"4.  A  representative  Congress  to  formulate  and  codify 
rules  of  international  law,  to  inspect  the  work  of  the  ad- 
ministrative bodies  and  to  consider  any  matter  affecting  the 
tranquility  of  the  world  or  the  progress  or  betterrrftnt  of 
human  relations.     Its  deliberations  should  be  public. 

*'5.  An  executive  body,  able  to  speak  with  authority  in 
the  name  of  the  nations  represented  and  to  act  in  case  the 
peace  of  the  world  is  endangered." 

The  possibility  of  backing  the  President  of  the  United 
States  with  the  solid  support  of  the  people  of  this  country 
for  a  legally  sound  proposal  as  he  went  abroad  to  persuade 
the  nations  of  the  world  to  accept  an  American  plan  for 
abolishing  wars  from  the  earth,  was  one  of  the  chief  reasons 
for  gratification  over  this  change  of  position  by  a  large 
organization  of  influential  men. 

For  nearly  three  years  writer  endeavored  to  induce 
President  Taft  and  other  leaders  of  the  League  to  Enforce 
Peace  to  thus  change  its  policy  and  support  a  more  safe  and 
practical  plan.  For  that  purpose  he  attended  its  national 
meeting  at  Philadelphia  in  May,  1919, 

40 


LEAGUE  REVERSES  ITS  POSITION 

After  the  League  thus  reversed  its  policy  by  repudiating 
its  alliance  plan  and  taking  up  the  international  government 
plan,  Mr.  Taft  by  his  public  speeches  and  conferences  did  a 
splendid  educational  work  along  safe  and  sound  lines  for 
the  cause  of  permanent  peace,  until  he  back-slid. 

In  his  speech  before  the  Lotus  Club  in  New  York  in 
December,  1918,  Mr.  Taft  declared,  according  to  the  press, 
that  he  and  his  associates  were  visionary  "dreamers"  in 
June,  1915,  when  they  got  together  at  Philadelphia  and 
organized  the  League  to  Enforce  Peace  on  the  idea  that  an 
alliance  and  arbitration  was  all  that  was  needed  to  abolish 
war.  He  said  they  now  realized  that  there  must  be  created, 
what  really  would  be,  an  international  government  and 
police  power  with  a  constitution  and  legislative,  judicial 
and  executive  powers  and  branches  to  regulate  the  inter- 
national field  and  prevent  wars. 

No  doubt  this  reversal  by  the  League  to  Enforce  Peace 
on  November  24,  1918,  and  its  abandonment  of  the  alliance 
plan  in  favor  of  the  international  government  plan,  was 
due  to  its  belief  that  President  Wilson,  in  his  speech  of 
September  27,  1918,  repudiated  the  plan  for  any  kind  of 
international  alliance  and  proposed  to  demand  the  organiza- 
tion of  some  form  of  international  government  or  Nation 
of  Nations,  when  he  said  the  League  of  Nations  must  be 
an  international  instrumentality  with  a  Constitution.  Mr. 
Taft  of  course  knew  that  alliances  do  not  have  constitu- 
tions but  governments  do. 

But  presto,  change!  The  document  President  Wilson 
brought  back  from  Paris,  although  dubbed  a  "constitution," 
in  fact  and  in  law  would  create  a  League  of  Nations  that 
would  be  a  mere  alliance  between  the  nations  signing  the 
treaty  agreement  and  would  not  be  an  international  govern- 
ment at  all.  It  would  create  substantially  the  very  kind  of 
alliance  the  League  to  Enforce  Peace  at  first  advocated  and 
later  repudiated  as  visionary.  So  Mr.  Taft  and  his  League 
have  decided  to  flop  again  and  once  more  become  "dreamers" 
in  order  to  be  on  the  band-wagon  with  President  Wilson, 

41 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

where,  in  his  December  speeches  made  when  he  thought  the 
President  favored  an  international  government,  he  advised 
the  protesting  Republican  Senators  to  also  climb.  Of 
course,  if  the  plan  for  a  mere  alliance  and  arbitration  was 
bad  and  visionary  on  November  24,  1918,  when  the  League 
to  Enforce  Peace  repudiated  it,  then  it  is  bad  now.  And 
if  the  plan  for  an  international  government  with  legislative, 
judicial  and  executive  branches  and  functions  was  needed 
then,  as  Mr.  Taft  declared,  it  is  needed  now. 


42 


CHAPTER  VL 

ONLY  GOVERNMENT  ESTABLISHES  ORDER. 

Government,  some  form  of  supreme  authority  with  a 
pohce  power,  is  the  only  thing  that  ever  established  and 
maintained  justice,  order  and  peace  anywhere  in  nation, 
state,  city  or  tribe,  since  the  dawn  of  history.  But  this 
proved  instrumentality  never  has  been  used  in  the  family 
of  nations,  where  it  has  always  been  needed  the  most. 

There  has  been  no  organized  and  recognized  supreme 
Governmental  authority  empowered  by  the  individual  na- 
tions to  preserve  order  among  them  and  establish  and  en- 
force Justice  between  them.  There  has  been  no  strong 
international  police  power  able  to  prevent  nations  attack- 
ing each  other.  Therefore  each  country  was  obliged  to 
arm  and  be  prepared  to  defend  itself. 

That  started  the  system  of  competitive  national  arma- 
ments. It  soon  grew  into  giant  proportions,  accelerated  by 
mutual  fears,  distrust  and  hatreds  which  its  rapid  develop- 
ment kindled  in  every  country.  The  inevitable  outcome  of 
that  suicidal  system  was  world  war.  Militarism  and  swag- 
gering autocracies  were  its  natural  by-products.  Honest 
recognition  of  these  cold  and  cheerless  facts,  and  the  re- 
sponsibility of  all  nations  for  the  fatal  neglect,  is  necessary 
before  a  way  can  be  found  to  deliver  the  world  from  war 
bondage. 

REMEDY  FOR  WAR. 

Suppose  fifty  years  ago  the  nations  had  created  for  their 
mutual  protection  a  suitable  international  agency  with 
proper  delegated  authority  and  sufficient  means  under  its 
own  control  for  forcibly  preventing  all  attacks  by  nations 
on  each  other  and  all  increases  of  national  armaments  and 
forces,  what  would  have  been  the  result?  Those  great  ter- 
rifying armaments  would  not  have  been  built  up  and  tTiis 
world  war  could  not  have  occurred. 

43 


LEAGUE    OF    NATIONS 

The  way  of  deliverance,  then,  is  to  supply  that  fatal 
omission.  The  world  should  do  now  that  which  would 
•have  saved  seven  million  lives  and  two  hundred  billions  of 
treasure  if  it  had  been  done  a  half  century  ago.  It  is  now 
or  never.  It  must,  as  President  Wilson  said,  be  made  the 
chief  provision  in  the  war  settlement. 

A  new,  independent,  representative  and  internatioi^lly 
supreme  governmental  organization  with  the  usual  legisla- 
tive, executive  and  judicial  functions  and  branches  and  a 
written  constitution  setting  forth  its  limitations  and  dele- 
gated powers  should  be  created.  All  civilized  nations  must 
cooperate  in  forming  and  thereafter  sustaining  such  a  na- 
tion of  nations.  It  is  the  way  of  salvation  for  this  stricken 
world,  the  rational  way.  The  plan  is  conservative,  not 
radical.  It  is  only  doing  the  same  thing  in  the  same  way 
with  the  same  instrumentality  but  in  a  different  place, — 
in  the  family  of  nations. 

Some  workable  plan  must  be  devised  very  soon,  for  the 
war  has  ended  and  the  Peace  Congress  must  act.  Reason- 
able men  will  not  reject  this  plan  unless  prepared  to  sug- 
gest one  more  practical  and  acceptable.  What  is  the  alter- 
native ? 

REDUCTION  OF  ARMAMENTS. 

Mutual  and  concerted  reduction  of  national  armaments 
now  is  imperative.  Every  country  must  reduce  its  naval 
and  military  burdens  to  a  minimum.  Unless  that  is  done 
the  bending  backs  of  the  people  will  break. 

On  August  1,  1914,  the  aggregate  public  debts  of  all 
nations  was  40  billions  of  dollars.  Now  it  is  over  100  bil- 
lions and  when  the  accounts  are  balanced  it  is  likely  to  ex- 
ceed 150  billions.  Thus  the  mortgage  on  the  human  race 
has  been  increased  more  than  three  fold  by  four  years  of 
war,  while  nearly  a  half  of  the  world's  wealth  has  been 
shot  away  on  the  battle  fields  or  destroyed.  Mankind  is 
more  nearly  bankrupt  than  is  yet  generally  realized.  Na- 
tions will  gradually  recover  but  it  will  be  a  long,  laborious 

44 


ONLY  GOVERNMENT  ESTABLISHES  ORDER 

task.  Meantime  they  must  lighten  their  load  in  every 
possible  way,  and  also  be  protected  against  the  danger  of 
more  wars. 

The  most  practical,  if  not  the  only  way  to  accomplish 
a  general  reduction  of  armaments  without  changing  the 
comparative  strength  of  nations  is  to  require  each  nation  to 
turn  over  to  the  proposed  Nation  of  Nations  at  least  half 
of  all  its  armaments.  It  would  be  better  to  surrender  all,  but 
it  should  be  at  least  half.  Thereafter  no  nation  would  be 
permitted  to  increase  its  armaments  or  forces  without  the 
express  consent  of  the  Nation  of  Nations.  When  that  or- 
ganization has  proved  its  ability  to  guard  all  countries 
against  outside  attack,  individual  nations  will  largely  dis- 
pense with  the  balance  of  their  armaments  and  forces. 
Then  the  Nation  of  Nations  would  correspondingly  reduce 
its  armaments;  for  a  relatively  small  force  would  be  able 
to  police  an  unarmed  world  that  is  not  allowed  to  re-arm. 

CENTRAL  WORLD  POLICE  POWER. 

The  above  plan  of  national  disarmament  would  create 
the  most  overwhelming  power  in  the  world,  chiefly  naval, 
largely  without  cost.  The  cost  of  maintenance  of  this 
one  mutual  police  power,  equitably  divided  among  the 
nations,  would  be  slight  compared  with  their  present  ex- 
pense or  with  the  burdens  from  which  they  would  be  re- 
lieved. 

As  we  have  said,  there  are  now  forty  conflicting,  sus- 
picious, jealous,  intriguing,  warring  national  police  powers 
scattered  throughout  the  earth.  Each  is  under  a  different 
head.  This  duplication  is  expensive.  They  often  dispute 
and  occasionally  go  to  war.  Gradually  conditions  have  de- 
veloped likely  to  make  most  wars  world  wars.  The  rights, 
interests,  and  existence  of  all  nations  are  jeopardized  by 
such  a  conflict. 

A  remedy  for  this  dangerous  situation  must  be  provid- 
ed.    Nations  should  make  any  reasonable  sacrifice  to  es- 

45 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

cape  recurring  war  perils.     By  so  doing  they  will  avoid  the 
greater  sacrifice  of  lives  and  treasure. 

The  nations  must  now  merge  their  forty  scattered  and 
conflicting  police  powers  into  one  great  central  interna- 
tional police  power.  It  shall  be  controlled  and  managed 
by  the  Nation  of  Nations  exclusively,  but  each  country 
would  be  fairly  represented  in  the  new  organization. 
Every  safeguard  to  insure  just  and  impartial  administration 
shall  be  provided.  Sufficient  forces  could  be  obtained  on 
the  volunteer  system  and  without  conscription,  those  of 
any  one  nationality  to  be  limited  to  a  certain  portion  of 
the  total  forces  of  the  central  police  power. 

WARS  TO  BE  UNLAWFUL. 

The  nations  must  each  delegate  to  their  Nation  of 
Nations  certain  necessary  powers,  limiting  their  own  free- 
dom of  action  somewhat,  in  the  international  field,  in  the 
interest  of  the  common  safety.  There  is  no  other  practic- 
able way.  But  why  should  any  honest  nation  object  to 
agreeing  not  to  start  an  unjust  war? 

War  shall  be  made  unlawful.  Positive  plain  law,  not 
mere  chance  or  force,  shall  regulate  the  family  of  nations. 
Henceforth  no  nation  shall  have  the  right  to  attack  an- 
other nation  without  just  cause  or  before  it  has  the  ap- 
proval of  the  Nation  of  Nations,  the  impartial  representa- 
tive and  umpire  of  all  countries.  This  may  or  may  not 
be  a  surrender  or  permanent  loan  of  a  slight  portion  of  its 
"sovereign  powers"  by  each  individual  nation,  the  same  as 
when  any  treaty  is  made.  So  be  it.  What  of  it?  The 
necessities  of  the  new  world  situation  and  the  vital  inter- 
ests of  each  country  justify,  yes,  demand  just  that  contri- 
bution to  the  cause  of  humanity  and  the  common  welfare 
of  the  family  of  nations.  And  that  course  could  in  no  way 
harm  the  legitimate  interests  of  any  country. 

Hereafter  the  nations  must  stand  together  if  they  do 
not  want  to  fall  together.  Any  nation  that  shall  refuse 
to  surrender,  in  common  with  all  other  nations,  its  sov- 

46 


ONLY  GOVERNMENT  ESTABLISHES  ORDER 

ereign  "right"  to  wage  an  unjust  war  of  aggression  against 
a  neighbor  nation  must  not  only  be  under  suspicion  but 
must  actually  be  put  under  the  permanent  and  effective 
restraint  of  the  combined  police  power  of  the  more  en- 
lightened and  civilized  countries  that  have  united  their 
moral  and,  physical  forces  for  the  impartial  protection  of 
all  mankind.  No  longer  shall  it  be  lawful  or  possible  for 
any  autocratic  monarch  claiming  divine  right  to  rule  and 
destroy  the  lives  and  fortunes  of  a  people  without  their 
consent,  to  drive  his  ''subjects"  to  slaughter  like  cattle  or 
swine,  and  while  crazed  with  ambition  for  conquest  or  glory 
run  amuck  in  the  family  of  nations  terrifying,  robbing  and 
destroying  the  peaceful  peoples  of  the  earth  with  red  war. 
Such  dangerous  beasts  must  be  destroyed  or  caged  by  the 
organized  will  of  all  nations.  The  best  way  to  stop  such 
a  thing  is  to  provide  machinery  that  will  make  it  impos- 
sible. 

Honest  nations  will  gladly  cooperate  in  forming  a  world 
federation  of  that  character  for  those  high  objects,  dis- 
honest nations  must  be  forced  to  submit  to  regulations  de- 
vised by  the  common  agency  of  all  nations  and  imposed  for 
the  impartial  benefit  of  all  peoples. 


47 


CHAPTER  VII. 

FRAME  WORK   OF  NATION   OF   NATIONS. 

A  central  world  police  power  and  government  of  the 
character  and  size  proposed  must  be  built  up  and  supported 
and  then  managed  with  courage,  discretion  and  skill.  It 
must  perform  its  delegated  duties  without  violating  its 
constitutional  restrictions. 

The  nations  never  will  create  any  such  overwhelming 
power  without  making  it  certain  that  it  cannot  be  auto- 
cratically used  in  violation  of  the  constitution  of  the  Nation 
of  Nations  and  the  reserved  rights  of  individual  nations. 
The  great  statesmen  who  will  comprise  the  Congress  of 
Nations  when  the  new  organization  is  formed  can  safely 
be  trusted  in  that  matter.  The  entire  plan  when  completed 
must  be  safe  and  fair  and  generally  acceptable  or  it  never 
will  be  ratified  by  the  necessary  two-thirds  or  three-fourths 
of  the  cooperating  nations. 

There  must  be  international  laws ;  therefore  the  Nation 
of  Nations  should  have  a  supreme  Senate  to  enact  them. 
Such  laws,  and  the  provisions  of  the  Supreme  Constitu- 
tion, must  be  construed  and  disputes  judicially  adjusted 
without  resort  to  arms;  therefore  it  should  have  a  General 
Supreme  Court.  The  Supreme  Constitution,  laws  and 
decrees  must  be  enforced ;  therefore  there  should  be  a  chief 
executive,  the  Supreme  President.  As  an  additional  safe- 
guard and  aid  there  also  should  be  a  fourth  supreme  co- 
ordinate branch,  the  Supreme  Council,  an  administrative 
body  composed  of  say  twenty-five  leading  statesmen  of  the 
various  countries,  to  conduct  the  plain  business  and  check 
and  guide  the  Supreme  President  in  the  use  of  the  police 
power  forces  under  his  command. 

In  short,  the  Nation  of  Nations  must  be  a  regular  gov- 
ernment. It  must  have  the  usual  powers,  functions  and 
machinery  commonly  employed  among  civilized  people  to 
establish  justice  and  order  and  for  managing  such  forces 

4$ 


FRAME    WORK    OF   NATION    OF   NATIONS 

and  administering  such  duties  in  an  orderly  and  business- 
like manner.  Anything  less  would  lack  efficiency.  Any- 
thing different  would  be  a  mere  experiment.  Of  course 
such  machinery  will  be  simplified  to  fit  the  special  restricted 
field  it  is  to  occupy.  To  meet  the  necessities  of  the  situ- 
ation, the  Nation  of  Nations  must  be  a  sound  and  perman- 
ent institution  of  great  dignity,  independence  and  integrity, 
like  other  governments  of  the  highest  type,  for  to  its  pro- 
tection would  be  entrusted  the  welfare  and  safety  of  the 
entire  human  race. 

BASIS  OF  REPRESENTATION. 

The  Supreme  Senate  or  Parliament,  the  sovereign  leg- 
islative branch,  would  be  the  controlling  body  in  which  all 
nations  would  be  equitably  represented.  Individual  nations 
would  have  no  means  for  exercising  any  control  except 
through  their  representatives  in  the  Supreme  Senate  and 
only  to  the  extent  of  their  votes  in  that  body.  Therefore 
the  basis  of  representation  is  of  prime  importance  to  each 
country.  It  should  be  so  arranged  that  the  deciding  bal- 
ance of  power  always  would  be  in  the  representatives  of 
•disinterested  nations.  That  will  best  insure  impartial  jus- 
tice and  make  the  Nation  of  Nations  strong  and  enduring. 
The  statesmen  no  doubt  will  devise  the  best  basis  of  repre- 
sentation  human  ingenuity  can  create,  one  fair  to  every 
country. 

In  the  tentative  draft  of  the  frame  work  of  the  proposed 
Nation  of  Nations  and  Supreme  Constitution  given  in  full 
in  author's  volume  ''Nation  of  Nations,''  a  definite  basis  is 
suggested  to  stir  thought  and  discussion.  In  fact  all  of 
those  provisions,  and  the  suggestions  made  here,  of  course, 
are  subject  to  any  modifications  that  may  be  necessary. 
The  basis  of  representation  there  suggested  is:  Each 
country  with  less  than  20  million  population,  one ;  20  to  50, 
three ;  50  or  more,  five.  This  would  give  all  so-called  first 
class  powers  equal  representation,  five  each.  Small  coun- 
tries would  not  have  an  unduly  large  representation.     The 

49 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

size  of  such  a  legislative  body  would  not  be  unwieldy. 
There  should  be  no  objection  to  giving  Canada  and  each 
of  the  other  large  self-governing  British  dominions  one 
representative  each  in  a  legislative  body  of  that  size  and 
character,  because  it  would  represent  peoples  rather  than 
governments. 

International  laws  passed  by  a  representative  world 
legislative  body  of  that  character  and  dignity  would  be 
accepted  and  obeyed  by  all  nations.  Every  law,  to  be  ef- 
fective, must  be  clear  and  certain.  For  the  first  time  all 
countries  then  would  be  agreed  and  know  just  what  is  in- 
ternational law.  It  would  remove  forever  a  most  prolific 
cause  of  grave  international  disputes  and  wars.  That  alone 
would  justify  the  adoption  of  this  plan  and  the  creation  of 
the  Nation  of  Nations.  Any  plan  that  does  not  provide  a 
legislative  body,  in  which  all  orderly  nations  are  repre- 
sented, with  authority  to  enact  all  international  laws  that 
are  to  be  obeyed  by  every  nation  would  not  meet  the  vital 
needs  of  the  family  of  nations. 

'FACE  UP*'  DIPLOMACY. 

Hereafter  the  game  of  world  diplomacy  must  be  played 
with  all  cards  "face  up"  on  the  table.  The  day  of  secret 
treaties  between  nations  has  passed.  All  treaties  between 
nations  that  in  any  way  affect  the  international  matters 
under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Nation  of  Nations  must,  to 
be  effective,  have  its  approval. 

By  bringing  representatives  together  face  to  face  in  the 
open  around  one  table  there  will  be  more  frankness  and 
less  intriguing,  and  they  will  promote  more  friendship  and 
peace  and  less  dissension  and  war.  Representatives  of  dis- 
interested countries  always  would  be  at  hand  to  restrain  or 
guide  with  friendly  counsel.  Constant  association  together 
of  the  chosen  representatives  of  all  countries  in  friendly 
accord  striving  for  the  common  welfare  around  one  coun- 
cil table  should  gradually  draw  the  peoples  of  the  world 

50 


FRAME    WORK    OF   NATION    OF   NATIONS 

closer  together  and  make  them  better  friends.  In  fact  it 
might  work  a  great  moral  and  spiritual  revolution  and 
make  the  brotherhood  of  man  more  of  a  reality. 

America  has  a  great  mission  to  perform.  It  must  help 
extend  the  blessings  of  democracy  and  freedom  to  all 
peoples.  It  can  best  do  this  with  the  leaders  of  the  people 
of  every  country  gathered  together  regularly  in  the  councils 
of  the  Nation  of  Nations  to  advance  the  common  interest 
and  promote  the  general  welfare. 

AMERICA'S  WONDERFUL  OPPORTUNITY. 

This  war  has  saddled  upon  the  United  States  a  great 
responsibility,  a  splendid  opportunity.  China  with  its  hun- 
dreds of  millions  of  people  is  earnestly  seeking  the  light  of 
liberty  and  progress.  The  sterling  honesty  of  that  race  is 
good  soil  in  which  to  plant  the  precious  seeds  of  democracy 
and  civil  and  religious  liberty.  They  only  need  instruc- 
tion, friendly  encouragement,  wise  counsel  and  protection 
against  outside  selfish  interference.  Then  in  due  time 
China  will  be  one  of  the  strongest  supports  of  popular 
government  and  the  principles  of  justice  and  humanity. 

Russia,  too,  is  seeking  the  light  of  a  new  day.  Just 
now  she  is  sadly  groping  in  the  dark  shadows  of  ignorance 
and  superstition  but  she  will  rise  again  purified  by  the  fires 
of  a  bitter  experience.  She  must  be  aided  and  guided  un- 
til she  escapes  from  her  present  unhappy  state.  With  one- 
fifth  of  all  the  land  on  the  globe,  boundless  undeveloped 
resources,  a  large  population  of  men  of  high  ideals,  Russia 
will  be  a  splendid  contribution  to  the  side  of  democracy. 
She  must  be  held  for  liberty  against  anarchy  on  one  hand 
and  reaction  on  the  other.  By  adopting  the  federal  gov- 
ernment system  and  republican  institutions  she  will  have  as 
a  safe  guide  and  help  the  successful  experience  of  the 
United  States  extending  over  more  than  a  hundred  years. 
She  should  avoid  the  swamps  and  quicksands  of  visionary 
experiment  and  seek  freedom  and  liberty  by  way  of  the 

51 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

known  and  safe  paths  of  human  experience.  Then  she 
will  become  a  worthy  example  to  help  guide  the  struggling 
peoples  along  her  borders  to  the  Temple  of  Freedom. 

WORLDWIDE  DEMOCRACY  COMING. 

The  position  of  the  United  States  in  all  these  matters 
must  continue  to  be  largely  one  of  genuine,  frank,  unselfish 
friendship.  By  increasing  the  number  of  sound,  prosper- 
ous and  happy  democracies  in  the  world  we  are  not  only 
extending  blessings  but  getting  them.  We  are  making  it 
more  certain  that  our  own  republic  will  endure  and  prosper 
through  all  the  coming  years. 

With  a  powerful  Nation  of  Nations  to  protect  them 
against  all  wanton  attacks,  the  people  of  every  country  ul- 
timately will  work  out  their  own  destinies  and  gain  for 
themselves  that  freedom  to  which  they  are  justly  entitled. 
This  war  has  made  the  opportunity  and  shown  the  neces- 
sity. They  will,  if  they  are  wise,  take  all  power  into  their 
own  hands  and  erect  sound  governments  of  their  own 
choice.  They  should  not  delay,  and  lose  their  present 
golden  opportunity.  The  end  of  hereditary  rulers  by  di- 
vine right  is  near. 

In  the  coming  new  era  there  will  be  a  worldwide  democ- 
racy. It  will  be  divided  into  nations  for  convenience  of 
race,  language  and  administration.  The  number  of  republics 
or  their  size  will  be  immaterial.  But  ultra,  selfish,  unrea- 
soning and  warring  nationalism  will  disappear  from  the 
earth;  but  nations  will  remain,  all  sheltered  and  shielded 
by  their  Nation  of  Nations.  A  new  world  patriotism  and 
human  loyalty  will  fill  the  hearts  of  all  mankind.  When 
all  peoples  enjoy  the  same  blessings,  the  same  justice  and 
equality  of  opportunity,  it  will  be  relatively  unimportant 
which  side  of  any  invisible  national  boundary  a  man  re- 
sides. 

The  Nation  of  Nations  then  will  have  fulfilled  half  of 
its  high  mission.     Thereafter  it  must  forever  stand  as  the 

52 


FRAME    WORK    OF   NATION    OF   NATIONS 

alert  and  prepared  guardian  and  protector  of  the  world's 
liberated  peoples  to  block  every  attempt  of  royal  adventur- 
ers, or  the  "man  on  horseback,"  to  rob  them  of  their  re- 
publican birthright. 


53 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

SUPREME   CONSTITUTION. 

"The  Constitution  of  the  League  of  Nations  and  the 
clear  definition  of  its  objects,"  said  President  Wilson  at 
New  York,  will  be  the  "most  essential"  part  of  the  peace 
settlement. 

This  declaration  by  the  far-sighted  chief  executive  of 
the  nation  makes  it  not  only  proper,  but  necessary,  for 
Americans,  and  other  peoples  generally,  to  at  once  con- 
sider and  discuss  that  "most  essential"  question  now  up 
for  definite  and  final  settlement.  What  shall  be  the  "de- 
fined objects"  of  the  coming  league  of  nations?  What 
should  be  the  precise  provisions  of  its  promised  supreme 
"constitution"  ? 

The  announcement  that  the  organized  league  of  nations 
was  to  have  a  constitution  seemed  to  settle  the  fact  that  it 
would  be  a  regularly  organized  government,  no  doubt  a  rep- 
resentative government.  As  such  modern  governments  all 
have  legislative,  judicial  and  executive  branches,  or  depart- 
ments, the  constitution  should  describe  the  precise  character 
of  each  branch  and  its  duties,  powers  and  limitations. 
These  should  include  a  Supreme  Senate  composed  of  the 
chosen  representatives  of  all  nations,  a  General  Supreme 
Court,  a  Supreme  President  and,  preferably,  a  Supreme 
Council.  The  method  of  selection,  term  of  service  and  other 
usual  provisions  should  be  included. 

A  suggested  tentative  draft  of  a  complete  constitu- 
tion for  an  international  Nation  of  Nations  is  printed  in 
the  Appendix  of  this  volume. 

The  limitations  or  restrictions  on  the  powers  and  opera- 
tions of  the  Nation  of  Nations  should  be  clearly  set  forth 
in  the  constitution.  That  is  vital,  necessary  to  render  the 
system  safe  and  insure  its  adoption.  It  should  state  that 
all  powers  not  expressly  delegated  to  the  Nation  of  Nations 

54 


SUPREME    CONSTITUTION 

and  stated  in  its  Supreme  Constitution,  the  charter  of  its 
creation  and  authority,  are  reserved  to  the  several  indi- 
vidual nations.  The  only  powers  and  duties  it  would  have 
are  those  expressly  granted  to  it  by  agreement  of  the  na- 
tions and  enumerated  in  its  constitution.  In  this  respect  it 
would  be  following  the  plan  of  the  federal  government  of 
the  United  States.  This  national  government  has  no  powers 
other  than  those  delegated  by  the  several  states  and  enu- 
merated in  the  constitution ;  all  other  powers  are  reserved 
to  the  states  themselves.  That  kind  of  a  federal  constitu- 
tion is  peculiarly  adapted  to  the  needs  of  an  international 
Nation  of  Nations  deriving  its  limited  sovereign  powers, 
(that  are  to  be  exercised  only  outside  of  the  various  coun- 
tries) from  many  confederated  nations  by  express  grant. 
It  is  simple,  definite  and  well  understood  throughout  the 
world.  Anything  different  would  be  an  experimental  make- 
shift. 

SOME  SPECIFIC  PROVISIONS. 

As  the  constitution  would  be  made  international  law 
by  consent  of  all  nations,  the  supreme  fundamental  law, 
it  should  make  all  wars  and  acts  of  hostility  between  nations 
unlawful  crimes,  unless  first  expressly  authorized  by  the 
Nation  of  Nations.  Now  all  such  wars,  once  "declared" 
by  any  one  country,  big  or  little,  are  lawful.  Any  nation 
violating  this  chief  international  law  shall  be  liable  to  pun- 
ishment by  the  whole  central  police  power.  Before  inflict- 
ing such  punishment  the  facts  shall  be  ascertained  and  de- 
termined and  declared  by  the  proper  agencies  of  the  Nation 
of  Nations. 

When  that  has  been  done  the  economic  or  military  pun- 
ishment shall  be  speedy  and  exemplary.  Then  other  nations 
will  be  deterred  from  future  violations  of  international 
laws.  It  is  the  certainty  of  prompt  punishment,  quite  as 
much  as  the  severity,  that  restrains  the  unruly  from  com- 
mitting unlawful  acts.  And  it  is  better  to  fix  it  so  that  the 
law  itself  will  deter  and  prevent  crime,  instead  of  permitting 

55 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

violence  to  occur  and  then  having  to  punish  it.  The  Nation 
of  Nations  shall  not  interfere  in  the  domestic  affairs  of 
any  country,  would  be  another  provision.  And  "domestic" 
includes  national  sovereignty,  boundaries,  commerce  and 
immigration,  of  course.  That  is  just  as  important  as  it  is 
to  prohibit  individual  nations  interfering  in  any  way  in 
matters  expressly  put  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Nation 
of  Nations.  The  General  Supreme  Court  exclusively  will 
decide  whether  a  given  matter  is  within  the  control  of  the 
Nation  of  Nations  or  individual  countries.  But  in  doing  it 
the  court  must  be  governed  by  the  provisions  of  the  Supreme 
Constitution,  which  it  is  to  construe.  This  line  between 
national  and  international  matters  must  mark  the  clear  and 
definite  boundary  between  the  powers  and  jurisdiction  of 
the  Nation  of  Nations  and  the  powers  and  exclusive  juris- 
diction of  individual  nations.  It  is  the  true  line  of  safety 
and  most  likely  to  give  general  satisfaction,  and  thus  make 
the  Nation  of  Nations  strong  and  enduring. 

For  example,  each  country  of  course  would  continue  to 
fix  the  terms  and  conditions  on  which  it  will  admit  immigra- 
tion and  commerce  from  foreign  countries.  Whether  a 
nation  shall  be  required,  once  it  has  fixed  such  terms  and 
conditions,  to  admit  commerce  from  all  foreign  countries 
on  those  terms  and  conditions  without  discrimination  (the 
"most  favored  nation"  provision)  is  an  important  question 
that  will  be  determined  by  the  framers  of  the  Supreme  Con- 
stitution, or  rather  by  the  nations  themselves  when  called 
upon  to  ratify  such  constitution. 

It  may  be  best  to  also  provide  authority  to  seize,  try  and 
punish  persons  guilty  of  unauthorized  acts  of  international 
hostility. 

OBLIGATION  OF  INDIVIDUAL  NATIONS. 

The  Nation  of  Nations  shall  undertake  to  preserve 
order  in  the  family  of  nations  with  its  own  police  power 
forces  exclusively,  and  it  must  be  provided  with  ample  forces 

56 


SUPREME    CONSTITUTION 

for  that  purpose.  Such  forces  could  and  should  be  obtained 
by  voluntary  enlistment.  The  _general  police  power  tax 
will  be  apportioned  between  the  nations  on  the  basis  of 
representation  in  the  Supreme  Senate.  The  share  of  each 
country  would  be  relatively  insignificant  compared  with  the 
burdens  of  duplicating  armaments,  military  preparedness 
and  war.  The  Nation  of  Nations  could  invite  and  accept 
the  armed  assistance  of  other  countries  when  necessary,  but 
it  would  have  no  constitutional  power  to  require  any  indi- 
vidual nation  to  go  to  war  for  any  purpose.  That  restriction 
differentiates  this  plan  from  the  alliance  plan  of  the  Paris 
''Constitution"  and  is  absolutely  necessary  in  order  to 
make  it  possible  or  safe  for  any  country  to  become  a  mem- 
ber of  the  league  of  nations  and  be  represented  in  the 
Supreme  Senate.  The  only  binding  obligation  on  an  indi- 
mdual  nation  zuould  be  to  abstain  from  unauthorised  attacks 
on  other  nations  and  furnish  its  share  of  the  armaments  and 
financial  support  for  the  Nation  of  Nations.  If  soldiers 
are  needed,  they  must  volunteer  for  such  police  power 
service;  they  cannot  be  drafted.  That  is  all.  What  nation 
would  refuse  to  purchase  its  future  security  on  those  easy 
terms?  Is  there  any  other  practicable  way  of  permanently 
federating  the  nations  of  the  world,  and  their  police  powers, 
to  establish,  defend  and  protect  international  justice  and 
peace?  No  alliance  of  any  kind  could  or  would  accom- 
plish it. 

The  only  objection  that  will  be  raised  to  this  logical, 
simple,  practical  and  just  plan  for  insuring  world  peace 
and  justice  will  be  due  to  false  national  pride,  or  to  the 
well  concealed  but  deliberate  purpose  to  allow  no  effective 
organization  to  be  created  in  the  world  that  might  prevent 
future  aggressions  by  large  upon  small  countries.  But 
the  slaughter  of  millions  of  men  and  destruction  of  billions 
of  wealth  in  senseless  wars  to  gratify  mere  erroneous 
national  pride  can  no  longer  be  permitted  in  a  civilized 
world. 

57 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

THE  INTERNATIONAL  DOMAIN. 

The  high  seas,  beyond  three  marine  miles  from  the  coast 
line,  and  all  lands  and  waters  on  the  earth  not  belonging  to 
any  organized  state  or  nation,  shall  be  under  the  exclusive 
control  and  jurisdiction  of  the  Nation  of  Nations,  to  be 
held  in  trust  for  the  use  and  benefit  of  all  orderly  civilized 
countries  without  discrimination  or  preference.  It  shall 
make  and  impartially  enforce  all  regulations  governing  use 
of  the  high  seas  and  such  unowned  lands  and  waters.  By 
leaving  everything  inside  of  organized  states  and  nations  to 
the  control  of  such  states  and  nations  exclusively,  and 
everything  outside  to  the  Nation  of  Nations  exclusively, 
everything  on  the  globe  is  disposed  of  and  nothing  is  left 
to  quarrel  or  fight  over.  In  that  way  another  prolific  cause 
of  wars  will  be  removed. 

In  order  to  definitely  determine  beyond  present  or  future 
controversy  the  precise  line  between  national  and  inter- 
national authority,  the  congress  of  nations  convened  to 
organize  the  Nation  of  Nations  shall  make  provision  for 
having  the  true  exterior  boundaries  of  every  organized 
state  and  nation  in  the  world  permanently  established. 
Thereafter  no  boundary  so  fixed  shall  be  changed  without 
the  mutual  consent  of  the  nations  concerned  and  the  express 
approval  of  the  Nation  of  Nations,  and  the  Supreme  Con- 
stitution shall  so  provide. 

TRUSTEE  FOR  ALL  NATIONS. 

As  the  Nation  of  Nations  itself  would  have  no  citizens 
other  than  the  citizens  of  its  loyal  supporting  nations,  it 
would  have  no  use  for  such  high  seas,  lands  and  waters. 
It  would  merely  hold  them  in  trust  for  the  use  of  all  nations 
so  each  might  share  equally  in  the  benefits.  Might  it  not 
be  a  universal  blessing  if  all  distant  so-called  colonies 
could  be  so  disposed  of,  put  under  the  guardianship  of  this 
great  agency  of  all  the  nations  for  mutual  benefit,  to  be 
administered  by,  or  under  the  direction  of,  the  Nation  of 

58 


SUPREME    CONSTITUTION 

Nations,  primarily  for  the  welfare  of  their  inhabitants,  in 
accordance  with  the  great  principles  of  justice,  liberty  and 
democracy?  Would  not  that  be  putting  into  practical  effect 
the  essential  policy  of  equal  rights  and  opportunity  for  all 
countries?  Would  it  not  be  for  the  best  interest  of  the 
inhabitants  to  thus  be  assured  of  justice  and  freedom  and 
the  sure  and  ready  protection  of  the  world's  combined 
police  power? 

In  the  readjustment  following  the  war  would  it  not  do 
justice  to  all  and  avoid  dangerous  disputes  if  such  colonies 
and  disputed  territories  and  waterways  were  all  placed 
under  the  protection  of  the  Nation  of  Nations  exclusively 
on  those  conditions  and  for  those  high  purposes?  Would 
not  that  course  give  the  most  general  satisfaction  and  thus 
best  avoid  future  disputes  and  wars? 

Why  not  make  the  Nation  of  Nations,  as  the  trusted 
agent  and  friend  of  all  countries,  a  general  receiver  to  take 
and  hold  and  administer,  for  the  impartial  use  and  benefit 
of  all  nations,  everything  now  in  controversy  between  indi- 
vidual countries  not  readily  adjiistable  by  agreement  or 
otherwise  satisfactorily  disposed  of?  Such  a  course  might 
greatly  simplify  and  accelerate  adjustment  of  the  many 
difficult  and  complex  problems  that  must  be  settled  at  the 
close  of  this  world  war. 

This  Supreme  Constitution  shall  be  the  world's  staunch 
anchor  of  faith  and  the  great  charter  of  hope  guiding  the 
oppressed  peoples  of  the  earth  out  of  war  bondage  and  into 
the  promised  land  of  perpetual  peace. 


59 


CHAPTER  IX. 


NOT  A  WORLD   GOVERNMENT. 

The  proposed  Nation  of  Nations  would  not  be  a  world 
government.  It  would  be  an  international,  not  a  universal, 
nation.  It  would  not  hold  dominion  throughout  the  earth. 
It  would  not  embrace  or  rule  all  peoples.  Primarily  it 
would  possess  only  lands,  waters  and  skies  that  now  are 
not  owned  by  any  organized  state  or  nation.  Its  title  would 
be  obtained  through  the  common  agreement  and  relitjquish- 
ment  of  all  nations.  Its  supreme  authority  would  hold 
sway  only  outside  the  boundaries  of  the  various  countries 
of  the  world.  While  its  constitutional  charter  necessarily 
should  make  its  control  of  and  title  to  all  unowned  lands, 
waters  and  skies  absolute,  exclusive  and  sovereign,  in  effect 
those  possessions  would  be  taken  and  administered  in  trust 
for  the  impartial  benefit  of  all  nations.  It  could  manage 
outlying  colonies  itself  or  delegate  the  work  to  "mandatory" 
nations  that  would  act  under  its  constant  supervision.  That 
course  is  fair  to  all,  and,  if  conquests  and  seizures  are  to 
be  abolished  and  disputes  and  wars  over  unowned  terri- 
tories and  waters  avoided,  such  action  is  necessary.  It  is 
one  of  the  steps  in  the  essential  process  of  ridding  the  world 
of  the  danger  of  war  by  removing  the  causes  of  serious  in- 
ternational controversies  and  armed  conflicts. 

An  important  additional  effect  of  such  action  would  be 
to  bring  about  the  development  and  use  of  the  resources 
of  such  unowned  possessions  for  the  benefit  of  all  peoples 
without  discrimination  and  establish  enlightened  civiliza- 
tion and  justice  for  the  good  of  the  inhabitants  of  such 
possessions. 

Everything  else  the  Nation  of  Nations  may  obtain  from 
any  source,  whether  it  be  territory,  privileges  or  power, 
would  be  acquired  by  some  form  of  express  grant  made  by 
individual  nations  and  be  taken  and  held  in  strict  accord- 

60 


NOT  A  WORLD  GOVERNMENT 

ance  with  the  terms  and  conditions  of  such  grant.  This 
includes  gift,  purchase,  lease,  cession  by  mutual  agreement, 
judicial  decree,  arbitrafion  award  and  terms  of  peace  settle- 
ments. It  can  get  nothing  by  conquest  because  henceforth 
the  right  of  conquest,  the  process  of  acquiring  territory, 
property,  dominion,  privileges  or  rights  by  force  or  duress, 
shall  be  abolished  throughout  the  world  and  made  unlawful 
by  a  provision  in  the  supreme  constitution,  to  be  enforced 
by  the  Nation  of  Nations.  National  and  personal  larceny 
hereafter  shall  -be  considered*  of  the  same  nature. 

CHARACTER  OF   ORGANIZATION. 

The  Nation  of  isy^ions  should  be  a  genuine  government, 
with  a  constitution  and  the  usual  machinery  of  modern  rep- 
resentative government.  Only  that  kind  of  an  international 
instrumentality  would  be  permanent  and  possess  the  powers 
and  means  necessary  for  accomplishing  its  great  objects. 

In  many  ways  it  would  be  like  a  confederation.  It  would 
be  created  by  and  derive  all  of  its  authority  and  power  from 
the  several  independent  nations  co-operating  by  agreement. 
But  the  charter  of  a  confederation  is  a  ''compact,"  not  a 
constitution.  The  agency  of  a  confederation  can  do  only 
the  things  enumerated  in  the  compact.  It  always  is  subject 
to  the  will  of  the  individual  governments  in  the  confedera- 
tion except  as  such  meddling  may  be  expressly  prohibited 
by  the  provisions  of  the  compact  agreement.  And  the  agree- 
ment could  be  cancelled  and  the  confederation  dissolved 
any  time  by  the  nations  that  are  parties  to  it  even  if  the 
compact  expressly  provided  otherwise. 

At  the  very  most,  and  even  that  is  very  doubtful,  any 
League  of  Nations  of  the  character  proposed  by  the  "Con- 
stitution" now  pending  in  the  General  Peace  Congress 
would  be  only  a  loose  confederation  and  in  no  sense  a 
government,  and  its  charter  would  be  a  mere  "compact"  and 
in  no  legal  or  moral  respect  a  "Constitution." 

The  Nation  of  Nations  must  be  permanent.  Therefore 
61 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

it  must  be  a  regular  government  possessing  the  right  and 
power  of  perpetual  existence  and  full  independence.  The 
nations  creating  it  should  have  no  power  to  destroy  it.  The 
individual  nations  would  have  no  more  control  over  the 
operations  of  the  Nation  of  Nations  than  over  any  other 
independent  national  sovereignty.  Each  nation  would  have 
a  fair  share  in  the  control  and  management  of  the  Nation 
of  Nations  itself,  but  this  would  be  exercised  only  through 
the  voice  and  influence  of  its  regular  representatives  in  the 
Supreme  Senate,  the  sovereign  legislative  body  of  the  Na- 
tion of  Nations.  A  nation  is  the  people,  while  a  goverti- 
ment  is  only  the  corporate  machinery  for  framing  and 
exercising  the  popular  will.  Therefore  the  delegated  powers 
of  the  Nation  of  Nations  really  woiiW  be  derived  from  the 
peoples  of  the  earth,  the  source  of  all  human  power,  instead 
of  from  their  governments.  The  federation  or  congress 
of  the  nations  will  have  completed  its  work  and  ended  its 
existence  when  it  shall  have  fashioned  and  given  birth  to 
the  Nation  of  Nations  as  a  new,  independent,  sovereign  gov- 
ernment in  the  family  of  nations,  with  a  supreme  constitu- 
tion clearly  defining  its  restrictions  and  very  limited  juris- 
diction, powers  and  duties,  and  when  such  constitution  shall 
have  been  formally  approved  and  ratified  by  the  requisite 
three-fourths  of  the  nations  concerned. 

The  Nation  of  Nations  thus  born  and  given  the  breath 
of  life  and  authority  would  thereafter  be  both  independent 
and  auto-existant.  Its  machinery,  functions  and  delegated 
powers  would  operate  automatically  forever  in  accordance 
with  the  provisions  of  its  constitution  and  constitutional 
laws,  restrained  and  guided  by  the  limitations  and  restric- 
tions of  its  constitution.  The  powers  delegated  to  the 
Nation  of  Nations  never  could  be  cancelled  or  recalled  by 
the  individual  nations,  but  when  necessary  such  powers 
could  be  modified  or  increased  by  formal  amendment  of  the 
supreme  constitution.  Such  amendment,  to  be  effective, 
must  have  the  approval  of  three-fourths  of  the  regular 
representatives     of     individual     nations,     except     that     an 

62 


NOT  A  WORLD  GOVERNMENT 

amendment  changing  the  basis  of  national  representation 
in  the  Supreme  Senate  must  be  approved  by  say  nine-tenths 
of  the  representatives  of  the  supporting  nations. 

SAFE  SYSTEM. 

Only  two  things  are  necessary  to  make  a  Nation  of 
Nations  of  that  character  successful  and  accomplish  all  that 
mankind  hopes  to  attain  through  its  instrumentality.  First, 
the  organization  must  be  given  proper  powers  and  be  sub- 
ject to  all  necessary  restrictions.  Second,  the  Nation  of 
Nations  must  exercise  such  powers  wisely  and  efficiently 
and  observe  such  restrictions  faithfully. 

As  to  the  first  essential,  it  is  quite  reasonable  to  expect 
that  the  genius  and  trained  caution  of  the  world's  greatest 
statesmen,  who  will  work  together  in  constructing  the  ma- 
chinery and  constitution  of  the  Nation  of  Nations,  will  be 
equal  to  the  task.  They  can  safely  be  trusted  to  erect  a 
governmental  agency  that  will  be  efficient  and  suitable  for 
the  purposes  in  view  and  to  provide  all  necessary  safeguards 
for  protecting  every  country  against  all  possible  abuse  of 
power  by  the  Nation  of  Nations.  If  such  statesmen  cannot 
accomplish  that  task,  who  can? 

As  to  the  second,  the  other  essential,  it  would  seem  that 
a  Nation  of  Nations  organized  for  such  supremely  sacred 
objects  by  the  master  minds  of  all  countries,  and  in  which 
every  nation  in  the  world  is  equitably  represented,  would 
be  as  nearly  perfect  and  safe  as  human  ingenuity  and  fore- 
sight could  devise.  The  voting  balance  of  power  on  any 
question  likely  to  arise  always  would  be  in  the  hands  of 
disinterested  representatives  and  thus  insure  wise  and  just 
legislation  by  the  Supreme  Senate  in  the  interest  of  the 
common  safety  and  welfare.  The  General  Supreme  Court, 
composed  of  the  most  distinguished  Judges  in  the  world, 
could  be  trusted  to  honestly  and  correctly  construe  such 
legislative  acts  in  strict  accordance  with  the  provisions  of 
the  Supreme  Constitution.  And  the  Supreme  President, 
checked     and    guided    by    the     Supreme     Council,    com- 

63 


LEAGUE    OF    NATIONS 

posed  of  perhaps  twenty-five  of  the  greatest  statesmen  of 
the  various  countries,  certainly  would  administer  and  en- 
force such  laws  and  constitution  as  construed  by  the  Gen- 
eral Supreme  Court.  What  more  do  we  want  ?  Why  should 
we  have  less  ?  Some  plan  to  prevent  wars  must  be  adopted. 
What  workable  alternative  plan  is  suggested? 

Anyway,  would  not  such  a  system  be  better  than  any 
mere  loose  alliance,  or  the  present  method  of  leaving  the 
entire  family  of  nations  unprotected  and  constantly  exposed 
to  the  danger  of  a  world  war  that  can  be  started  any  time 
by  any  one  nation?  If  experience  shall  develop  defects  in 
the  machinery  or  constitution  of  the  Nation  of  Nations  such 
defects  can  easily  be  removed  any  time  by  amending  the 
Supreme  Constitution.  That  is  the  safety-valve  in  every 
representative  constitutional  government.  It  is  the  orderly 
process  for  exercising  the  popular  will  in  making  changes 
in  government  without  violent  revolutions. 

All  history  is  more  or  less  a  record  of  the  births  and 
deaths  of  governments,  states  and  nations.  War  has  been 
the  great  destroyer  of  nations.  In  the  new  era  some  indi- 
vidual nations  may  cease  to  exist  and  new  nations  come 
into  being  and  be  admitted  to  representation  in  and  to  share 
the  equal  protection  of  the  Nation  of  Nations.  Whatever 
may  be  the  destiny  of  fate  of  any  single  nation,  the  safety 
of  the  family  of  nations,  the  progress  of  civilization  and  the 
welfare  of  the  entire  human  race  all  require  that  the  Nation 
of  Nations,  as  the  mutually  authorized  guardian  of  the 
world's  peace  and  official  custodian  and  administrator  of 
international  justice  and  friendship,  shall  be  as  strong  and 
enduring  as  the  eternal  rock  of  ages. 


64 


CHAPTER  X. 

WORLD  TERRITORIAL  SURGERY. 

A  permanent  peace  of  Justice  can  not  be  established 
and  the  future  political  health  of  the  world  guaranteed 
without  many  acts  of  more  or  less  severe  territorial  sur- 
gery. Before  being  established  permanently,  many  bound- 
ary lines  must  be  rectified  to  remedy  past  injustice  and  to 
correspond  with  the  will  of  inhabitants. 

First,  of  course,  any  changes  caused  by  unlawful 
force  during  this  war  must  be  restored,  because  such  alter- 
ations represent  only  the  fruit  of  violence  and  aggression. 
Brutal  national  aggressors  shall  be  punished  for  their 
crimes  against  humanity  and  world  order  instead  of  being 
allowed  to  profit  by  their  lawless  deeds.  Justice  and  future 
security  demand  that  it  be  done. 

If  necessary  changes  of  boundaries  affect  Germany 
and  Austria  more  than  other  countries,  it  will  ,be  chiefly 
because  those  nations,  more  than  other  countries  during 
modern  times,  have  seized  more  property  of  their  neigh- 
bors and  therefore  have  more  to  restore.  These  changes, 
however,  must  be  made  without  malice,  or  any  injustice  to 
the  inhabitants  of  the  territories  affected,  whose  will  shall 
determine  their  own  destiny.  The  impartial  justice  with 
which  this  important  work  is  done  will  increase  mutual  sat- 
isfaction and  the  certainty  that  the  settlement  will  be 
permanent. 

EXAMPLES  OF  PROBABLE  CHANGES. 

Alsace  and  Lorraine  shall  be  returned  to  France  solely 
because  they  were  taken  from  France  by  Germany  in  1871 
by  force  and  without  just  cause.  Such  acts  of  aggression 
inspire  national  resentment,  necessitate  increase  of  world 
armaments  and  forces  and  create  conditions  likely  to  cause 
future  wars.     Therefore,  great  care  should  be  exercised  in 

65 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

adj  usting  the  problems  caused  by  this  war  so  that  the  settle- 
ment may  not  inspire  future  conflicts. 

The  Italian  provinces  of  Austria  shall  be  returned  to 
Italy  for  the  same  reason  and  because  that  is  the  desire 
of  the  inhabitants.  Many  oppressed  peoples  have  been 
liberated  by  the  fortunes  of  war  and  are  establishing  self- 
governing  republics.  That  was  inevitable  if  the  war  went 
to  a  finish;  and  it  was  desirable. 

Poland  shall  be  restored  in  territory  and  to  that  inde- 
pendence of  which  she  was  ruthlessly  robbed  by  the  selfish 
injustice  and  overwhelming  might  of  three  conscienceless 
monarchs,  the  autocratic  rulers  of  Germany,  Austria  and 
Russia.  When  Poland  shall  have  been  liberated  by  the 
powerful  aid  of  democracy  it  is  to  be  hoped  she  will  es- 
tablish only  a  republican  form  of  government  in  which  all 
the  people  share.  To  inflict  upon  herself  some  hereditary 
princeling  of  some  reigning  house  claiming  to  rule  over  the 
lives  and  destinies  of  men  by  right  divine,  will  be  to  involve 
Poland  once  more  in  the  vast  and  complex  intrigues  and 
ambitions  incident  to  European  royalty  and  thus  jeopardize 
the  permanency  of  Polish  independence  and  increase  the 
chances  of  being  involved  in  future  wars  that  would  en- 
danger the  world.  The  people  should  control  their  own 
destinies  and  not  allow  Poland  to  become  the  property  of 
a  King  to  be  bartered  away  or  staked  as  a  prize  on  the 
gaming  table  of  European  royalty. 

Finland,  and  any  other  peoples  gaining  freedom  and 
independence,  should  follow  the  same  course  for  the  same 
reasons. 

SAFETY  IN   DEMOCRACY. 

The  dawning  new  era  is  to  be  one  of  democracy,  and 
every  backward  step  toward  hereditary  royalty  is  reaction- 
ary and  calculated  to  endanger  the  permanency  of  their 
new  freedom  and  entail  upon  the  people  undeserved  and 
unnecessary  suflFering. 

There  would  be  no  more  objection  to  electing  a  prince, 
or  king  as  president  than  anybody   else,   if   done  by   the 

66 


WORLD    TERRITORIAL   SURGERY 

people,  except  for  the  fact  that  he  might  change  his  royal 
mind  when  in  possession  of  authority  and  power,  forget 
that  the  term  for  which  he  was  elected  was  limited,  over- 
turn the  constitution,  establish  an  hereditary  monarchy  and 
thus  destroy  democracy  and  increase  the  danger  of  future 
wars.  There  have  been,  and  are  now,  kings  who  were 
good  men;  but  we  can  not  forget  that  many  if  not  most 
wars  have  been  caused  by  hereditary  royalty. 

What  would  a  country  gain  by  incurring  such  risks? 
Only  more  burdens  for  the  people  to  bear,  all  for  the  sake 
of  witnessing  a  little  vain  pomp  and  display  by  the  few  at 
the  expense  of  the  many.  The  United  States  is  making 
enormous  unselfish  sacrifices  largely  to  confer  the  blessings 
of  liberty  and  democracy  upon  oppressed  peoples.  It  will 
not  insist  on  liberated  peoples  avoiding  the  dangers  and 
burdens  incident  to  royalty  if  it  be  the  will  of  the  people  to 
go  on  playing  with  fire.  But  out  of  the  depths  of  its  own 
long  and  successful  experience  the  American  republic 
earnestly  advises  liberated  peoples  to  hold  firmly  to  genu- 
ine untainted  democracy.  It  is  the  way  of  safety  and  sal- 
vation. 

Russia  should  establish  a  representative  federal  republic 
like  the  United  States.  That  is  best  in  a  country  covering 
a  vast  area  and  having  a  large  population.  It  would  enable 
the  various  races  and  localities  to  have  a  fair  voice  in  gov- 
ernment. It  is  the  best  way  to  unite  many  local  self- 
governing  states  or  provinces  into  one  strong  harmonious 
union  to  guard  against  outside  intrusion  and  permit  the 
people  of  localities  to  control  and  manage  their  local  afifairs 
in  their  own  way.  Start  right  and  the  task  is  half  accom- 
plished. 

The  constitutional  functions,  powers  and  limitations 
under  which  the  United  States  has  survived  and  prospered 
for  more  than  a  century  have  been  defined  and  made  clear 
by  Supreme  Court  decisions  by  the  ablest  legal  minds.  If 
Russia,  and  other  countries,  shall  adopt  the  American  sys- 
tem they  will  find  ready  for  use  the  most  splendid  guide 

67 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

and  charter  of  liberty  ever  devised  by  the  genius  of  man  for 
the  liberation  of  a  people  and  the  building  of  a  great  and 
prosperous  nation  on  the  principles  of  justice,  liberty  and 
equal  opportunity  for  all.  If  the  federal  system  is  not 
adopted,  Russia  may  be  broken  up  into  many  weak  inde- 
pendent republics  or  kingdoms.  Some  of  these  may  im- 
port kings  to  reign  over  them.  In  time  conflicts  no  doubt 
would  arise  between  them  and  wars  further  devastate  the 
land.  If  Russia  desires  to  be  strong,  influential  and  pros- 
perous, the  federal  system  alone  will  give  her  what  she 
wants.  Then  she  can  forever  stand  with  the  United  States, 
France,  China  and  other  democratic  countries,  a  combina- 
tion for  democracy  that  would  possess  a  majority  of  the 
world's  population  and  resources  ready  always  to  support 
the  cause  of  justice  and  human  freedom. 

The  Czecho- Slovaks  and  Jugo-Slavs  are  to  gain  nation- 
ality and  independence.  Austria  must  pay  the  penalty  for 
her  unjust  seizures  of  Bosnia  and  Herzogovina,  an  act  that 
provoked  the  slaying  of  the  Austrian  Crown  Prince  which 
led  to  the  ultimatum  by  Austria  to  Serbia,  believed  to  have 
been  inspired  by  the  German  Kaiser  as  an  excuse  for 
launching  a  world  war  long  contemplated  and  prepared  for. 
Hungary,  too,  no  doubt  will  gain  her  independence.  Pos- 
sibly Denmark  at  last  will  demand  and  get  justice  from 
Germany  in  regard  to  its  territory  seized  long  ago. 

The  boundaries  in  the  Balkans  should  be  reorganized 
with  due  regard  to  the  rights  of  the  people  and  in  a  way 
that  will  best  avoid  future  armed  conflicts  instead  of  to 
please  the  personal  claims  of  Kings  and  Czars. 

THE  CASE  OF  TURKEY. 

Turkey  must  be  carved,  not  to  gratify  a  thanksgiving 
feast  of  neighboring  nations  but  to  liberate  her  oppressed 
subject  races  and  deprive  her  of  power  to  again  endanger 
the  world's  peace.  As  this  is  a  war  against  war  and  for 
permanent  peace,  the  nations  should  finish  the  task  in  a  way 

68 


WORLD    TERRITORIAL  SURGERY 

to  best  attain  that  end.  They  must  do  that  now  or  begin  to 
prepare  for  another  and  greater  war  certain  to  come  later. 

Turkey  has  forfeited  all  claim  to  special  consideration. 
She  has  long  depended  on  the  support  of  European  coun- 
tries for  existence.  She  was  left  in  possession  of  Constan- 
tinople as  trustee,  in  a  sense,  and  has  betrayed  her  trust  and 
outraged  her  benefactors.  Her's  must,  however,  be  the 
punishment  of  justice,  not  revenge;  but  her  conduct  has 
opened  the  way  and  justified,  as  a  war  measure,  the  ex- 
treme changes  that  now  must  be  made  in  the  status  and 
boundaries  of  Ottoman  authority  in  order  to  prevent  future 
outrages  due  to  religious  intolerance,  and  future  wars.  The 
world  now  proposes  to  permanently  end  the  wholesale 
slaughters  of  human  beings  because  of  their  religious  opin- 
ions, inflicted  by  or  with  the  approval  or  sufferance  of  the 
forces  of  organized  government. 

The  fortunes  of  war  have  taken  Palestine  from  Tur- 
key. It  will  never  be  returned.  Subject  to  proper  guar- 
anty of  security  for  sacred  Christian  shrines  and  equaHty 
and  tolerance  in  all  matters  religious,  the  Jews  may  re- 
erect  the  Hebrew  nation  in  the  land  of  their  prophets.  The 
United  States  alone  should  not,  as  suggested,  guarantee 
Palestine's  security.  It  is  too  far  away,  and  such  a  re- 
sponsibility would  force  the  United  States  to  remain  fully 
armed  and  ready  for  battle  forever.  That  burden  and 
duty  should  be  exercised  by  the  Nation  of  Nations.  Pal- 
estine then  would  have  the  protection  of  the  world's  com- 
bined police  power. 

Constantinople,  the  Bosporus,  the  Dardenelles  and  ad- 
jacent territory  have  caused  many  wars  in  history.  That 
prize  probably  will  be  fought  for  so  long  as  it  remains  the 
property  of  one  nation  only.  For  that  reason  it  should  be 
put  under  the  control  of  the  Nation  of  Nations  to  be  man- 
aged with  justice  to  inhabitants  but  for  the  impartial  benefit 
of  all  nations,  Turkey  included.  The  Dardanelles  and 
Bosporus  must  at  least  be  completely  internationalized. 
Hereafter  no  nation  shall  be  permitted  to  appropriate  to  it- 

69 


LEAGUE    OF    NATIONS 

self  alone,  and  prevent  the  proper  use  of,  any  great  natural 
water  highway  the  use  of  which  is  vitally  essential  to  the 
interests,  welfare  and  safety  of  other  countries.  Such 
waterways  shall  be  classed  with  the  high  seas,  to  be  regu- 
lated by  the  Nation  of  Nations  and  open  to  all  countries  on 
equal  terms. 

PANAMA  AND  SUEZ  CANALS. 

The  Panama  and  Suez  Canals  are  great  artificial  water- 
ways. The  former  was  built  by  the  United  States  at  a 
cost  exceeding  300  millions  of  dollars  chiefly  for  purposes 
of  national  defense.  Great  Britain  holds  Suez  largely  for 
the  same  object.  Germany  built  the  Kiel  canal  for  such  a 
purpose.  If  the  nations  in  cooperation  now  provide  ade- 
quately for  their  common  defense  and  safety  by  combining 
their  armaments  and  forces  in  one  great  central  police 
power,  and  control  of  these  canals  by  the  Nation  of  Nations 
would  aid  such  police  power  in  the  performance  of  its 
world-important  tasks,  no  doubt  the  nations  owning  those 
canals  would  surrender  them  to  the  perpetual  control  of  the 
Nation  of  Nations  for  the  common  good  when  repaid  the 
cost  of  such  canals. 

That  question  at  least  is  one  proper  to  be  considered 
by  those  seeking  to  create  a  world  instrumentality  with 
every  necessary  means  for  preventing  future  wars  between 
nations.  If  it  be  intended  that  the  Nation  of  Nations  shall 
inflict  economic  as  well  as  military  and  naval  punishment 
upon  any  nation  wantonly  starting  war,  possession  of  these 
great  canals  would  make  it  easy  and  effective.  It  might 
make  it  possible  to  bring  a  g^iilty  nation  to  its  senses  with- 
out resorting  to  armed  force. 


70 


CHAPTER  XL 

A  WORLD  GOLD  RESERVE. 

Merging  the  world's  entire  available  supply  of  gold  in 
one  great  international  gold  reserve  may  become  necessary 
to  promote  and  safeguard  the  world*s  welfare.  That  may 
be  the  only  way  to  prevent  a  titanic  financial  war  between 
the  nations  for  physical  possession  of  the  wholly  inadequate 
gold  supply.  Words  cannot  describe  or  the  imagination 
fully  conceive  all  the  consequences  that  might  result  from 
such  a  contest.     Almost  anything  would  be  possible. 

The  first  efifect  would  be  to  enhance  the  value  or  market 
price  of  gold  because  of  the  artificially  increased  demand. 
As  the  price  of  gold  went  up  the  prices  of  securities,  prop- 
erty and  everything  the  value  of  which  is  measured  in  gold 
would  go  down,  at  least  correspondingly.  In  fact  the 
sudden  shrinking  of  prices  would  force  upon  the  market 
such  a  volume  of  property  and  stocks  seeking  immediate 
sale  that  all  values  and  prices  would  be  wrecked  and  wild 
panic  reign  supreme  throughout  the  world.  This  danger 
is  very  real  and  one  that  concerns  the  early  future. 

The  possibility  of  drastic  political  action  would  be 
greatly  increased  by  any  such  catastrophe.  The  world's 
peoples  are  willing  to  follow  the  advice  of  financial  lead- 
ers and  economists  and  permit  gold  to  be  the  arbitrary 
measure  of  values  and  the  sound  basis  of  issues  of  currency 
and  bank  credit  and  the  brake  on  inflation  and  even  the 
stipulated  commodity  with  which  public  and  private  debts 
must  be  paid.  They  realize  the  need  of  a  stabilizer  or 
balance  wheel  of  some  sort  in  that  mysterious  world  of 
finance.  At  least  they  are  willing,  as  a  practical  matter,  to 
take  the  word  of  finance  for  it  so  long  as  the  plan  works 
well  and  in  no  visible  manner  injures  their  material  wel- 
fare. 

But  the  moment  the  nations  start  a  fight  for  gold  and 
the  yellow  metal  goes  to  a  premium  and  demoralizes  prices 
and  causes  panic  that  closes  factories  and  makes  men  lose 

71 


LEAGUE    OF    NATIONS 

their  jobs  and  subjects  their  helpless  wives  and  children  to 
hunger  and  suffering,  then  watch  out!  The  gold  standard 
of  value  might  be  overturned  and  gold  be  demonitized  by 
law.  That  of  course  can  be  done  any  time  the  people  com- 
pel their  political  representatives  to  take  such  action.  In 
fact  the  reaction  might  go  to  the  extent  of  repudiation  of 
the  vast  public  debts  of  the  nations  by  the  people.  So  there 
is  every  reason  why  intelligent  leaders  in  the  world  of  busi- 
ness should  give  early  and  serious  attention  to  devising 
and  adopting  some  practicable  plan  that  will  head  off  these 
dangers  before  they  actually  inflict  themselves  on  the 
human  race.  The  need  also  is  very  apparent,  for  a  safe, 
sound  and  practical,  mutual  system  for  controlling  and 
regulating  international  exchange  and  dispensing  with  the 
great  cost  and  loss  of  shipping  actual  gold  back  and  forth 
to  settle  balances  between  nations. 

THE  VAST  BURDEN  ON  GOLD. 

There  is  in  the  whole  world  only  about  8  billion  dollars 
of  available  gold,  and  production  at  the  mines  is  decreasing 
so  rapidly  financial  authorities  are  gravely  concerned  if 
not  alarmed.  This  decrease  of  the  yearly  output  is  oc- 
curring at  the  same  time  that  the  burdens  resting  upon  the 
gold  basis  are  being  multiplied  almost  beyond  the  power 
of  man  to  calculate. 

On  August  1,  1914,  the  aggregate  public  debts  of  the 
42  countries  was  about  40  billions  of  dollars.  Now  it  has 
been  estimated  to  be  much  more  than  100  billions  and 
soon  may  be  at  least  150  billions.  The  yearly  interest 
thereon  will  be  perhaps  8  billion  dollars,  or  equal  to  all 
the  gold  in  the  world,  and  double  the  gold  available  for 
commercial  purposes.  Many  billions  of  government  bonds 
mature  each  year  and  must  be  paid  or  refunded.  Every 
dollar  of  this  staggering  mortgage  on  the  human  race  is 
expressly  payable  in  actual  gold,  both  principal  and  in- 
terest. 

It   is    roughly   estimated   that   nearly   an    equal   amount 

7Z 


A    WORLD    GOLD    RESERVE 

of  railroad  and  other  corporate  bonds,  bearing  much  higher 
interest,  are  also  payable  in  gold.  The  yearly  interest  on 
such  corporate  bonds  no  doubt  exceeds  the  total  8  billions 
of  gold  in  existence.  These  figures  may  not  be  strictly 
accurate,  but  are  near  enough  to  illustrate  the  situation. 

Next  we  have  the  currency  of  the  various  countries.  In 
normal  times  the  aggregate  of  this  currency  is  double  the 
world's  8  billions  of  gold.  But  during  the  war  this  cur- 
rency of  governments  has  been  inflated  to  dangerous  totals. 
Every  dollar  of  this  vast  volume  of  currency  is  directly 
or  indirectly  secured  by  and  expressly  redeemable  in  actual 
gold  on  demand!  Then  there  is  the  still  greater  volume 
of  bank  credit  throughout  the  world,  all  resting  on  a  gold 
basis.  That  of  the  United  States'  banks  alone  is  more  than 
three  times  the  whole  8  billions  of  gold.  Bank  deposits 
are  supposed  to  be  payable  on  demand,  in  gold  when 
requested. 

The  enormous  tides  of  international  commerce  directly, 
and  the  still  greater  domestic  commerce  indirectly,  must 
be  largely  settled  with  gold  when  required. 

There  must  be  between  300  and  500  billions  of  dollars 
of  bonds,  currency,  credit,  commerce  and  values,  all  heavily 
resting  on  the  small  pivot  of  only  8  billion  dollars  of  gold ! 
It  would  seem  that  a  mere  breath  of  suspicion  or  doubt 
might  upset  the  equilibrium  of  this  vast  whirling  business 
edifice  and  crash  it  to  the  ground  with  disastrous  conse- 
quences to  all.  It  is  quite  certain  that  if  the  fight  for  pos- 
session of  the  few  tons  of  gold  in  the  world  is  once  begun 
by  the  nations,  or  any  of  them,  gold  will  rise  in  value  and 
then  no  doubt  everybody  would  demand  payments  in  ac- 
tual gold,  as  all  legally  can  do.  The  crash  would  come 
at  once,  for  there  would  not  be  enough  unhoarded  gold 
within  reach  to  make  the  payments  due  the  first  twenty-four 
hours. 

UNITED   STATES   POSITION. 

The  United  States  now  occupies  a  commanding  posi- 
tion in  world  finance.    Already  it  actually  possesses  nearly 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

a  third  of  the  entire  8  billions  of  gold  in  existence.  It  has 
the  resources  and  means  for  getting  the  balance  if  it  should 
go  after  it.  The  annual  balance  of  international  trade  in 
favor  of  this  country  in  normal  times  is  about  $500,000,000, 
all  payable  in  gold.  War  has  increased  this  many  fold. 
There  is  sound  reason  for  expecting  the  balance,  including 
interest  on  our  holdings  of  foreign  securities,  to  be  at  least 
$1,000,000,000  in  favor  of  the  United  States  each  year  for 
many  years.  So  if  we  should  merely  stop  loaning  abroad 
and  require  payments  in  gold,  all  the  gold  in  the  world 
would  come  into  our  possession  in  a  few  years  without 
any  effort  on  our  part  to  corner  gold. 

It  would  seem  that  the  United  States  then  would  be 
financial  master  of  the  world  and  could  work  its  will  and 
.pleasure  upon  all  nations  and  peoples.  Some  may  think 
that  is  just  the  thing  we  should  do.  But  would  it  be  for 
the  best  interest  of  Uncle  Sam  to  open  a  world  pawn  shop, 
corner  gold  under  forms  of  law  and  usage  and  then  under- 
take to  fleece  all  mankind? 

That,  it  seems  to  us,  is  just  the  thing  we  should  not 
do  or  attempt.  The  United  States  entered  this  great  world 
war  unselfishly  and  thereby  won  the  confidence  and  friend- 
ship and  good  will  of  all  peoples.  It  will  not  now  betray 
that  confidence  for  gain  by  unfair  or  ungenerous  business 
methods.  Its  policy  should  not  be  to  destroy  our  interna- 
tional customers  by  cornering  and  robbing  them.  Instead, 
-we  should  help  build  them  up  and  thus  make  them  better 
and  more  permanent  customers  and  friends  so  that  they 
and  we  together  may  all  mutually  reap  the  rich  rewards 
of  a  general  prosperity  created  by  common-  effort  and  a 
generous  and  far-sighted  business  policy. 

The  reverse  of  this  policy  would  not  pay  us.  If  we 
obtained  all  of  the  world's  gold  and  then  made  unfair  de- 
mands, other  countries  might  be  driven  to  demonitize  gold 
and  largely  destroy  its  value,  as  they  have  the  legal  right 
to  do,  or  repudiate  their  debts  to  us,  as  they  could  do  with- 
out legal  right. 

74 


A    WORLD    GOLD    RESERVE 

NATIONS  ALL  IN  ONE  BOAT. 

In  a  financial  sense,  particularly  as  to  the  gold  supply, 
the  United  States  is  in  the  same  boat  with  all  other  nations. 
Any  serious  dispute  over  the  golden  cargo  would  rock  the 
boat  and  all  might  go  overboard  to  financial  destruction 
together.  The  United  States,  because  of  its  greater  wealth 
and  business,  has  more  to  lose  by  any  general  panic  or 
disaster  and  more  to  gain  by  keeping  world  conditions 
stable,  sound  and  prosperous.  Therefore,  it  should  heartily 
join  with  other  nations,  if  it  does  not  lead,  in  any  common 
effort  of  a  practical  character  calculated  to  prevent  a  world 
gold  war  and  other  financially  unhealthy  conditions  while 
the  stricken  nations  are  struggling  to  repair  their  losses  and 
readjust  their  financial  and  economic  systems  during  the 
coming  years. 

The  suggestion  for  creation  of  one  great  mutual  world 
gold  reserve  into  which  all  available  gold  shall  be  merged 
and  held  for  the  impartial  protection  and  benefit  of  all  coun- 
tries on  some  practicable  basis  is,  of  course,  tentative  and 
made  with  the  object  of  directing  attention  to  the  rather 
dangerous  gold  situation  in  the  hope  that  the  financial  and 
economic  leaders  may  study  the  problem  and  perhaps  devise 
a  workable  plan  for  international  cooperation  that  will  per- 
manently remove  the  evils  feared.  Writer  first  proposed 
this  plan  during  a  public  address  made  at  Des  Moines,  Iowa, 
in  February,  1916. 

If  the  nations  shall  decide  to  create  a  Nation  of  Nations 
with  a  mutual  central  police  power  for  their  future  security, 
and  other  efficient  governmental  machinery  for  handling 
the  international  situation,  no  doubt  it  will  be  found  ex- 
pedient to  put  the  world  gold  reserve  under  the  control 
of  the  Nation  of  Nations  for  safe  keeping  and  wise  admin- 
istration. 

As  the  present  supply  of  gold  is  entirely  inadequate  and 
unlikely  to  be  materially  and  speedily  increased  to  any  suf- 
ficient extent,  some  way  to  increase  the  efficiency  and  utility 

75 


LEAGUE    OF    NATIONS 

of  the  world's  present  stock  of  gold  should  be  devised  and 
adopted  without  delay.  It  might  be  thought  best  to  hold 
the  actual  gold  in  one  reserve  as  sound  security  for  an  issue 
of  elastic  gold  currency  to  be  furnished  by  the  Nation  of 
Nations  to  individual  countries  on  a  business  basis,  there 
to  be  used  for  circulation  or  as  a  sound  basis  for  an  issue 
of  domestic  currency.  This  would  be  adapting  the  gold 
reserve  and  currency  plan  of  our  federal  reserve  bank  sys- 
tem to  the  international  field,  modified  to  make  it  fit  world 
requirements.  Possibly  the  entire  cost  of  running  the  Na- 
tion of  Nations  and  maintaining  its  armaments  and  forces 
permanently  could  be  paid  with  the  interest  received  for  the 
use  by  the  nations  of  such  elastic  gold  currency. 

With  this  system  in  general  use  and  the  domestic  pros- 
perity of  every  country  constantly  dependent  upon  the  sup- 
ply of  such  world  gold  currency  as  a  sound  elastic  basis, 
the  Nation  of  Nations  at  all  times  would  have  power  to 
largely  effect  if  not  destroy  such  prosperity  by  withdrawing 
such  currency.  An  individual  nation  then  would  hesitate 
long  before  violating  the  world's  peace  by  attacking  another 
country  when  it  knew  that  the  Nation  of  Nations  would 
promptly  paralyze  its  domestic  prosperity  and  international 
commerce  by  withdrawing  from  such  country  its  entire 
necessary  gold  support. 

This  economic  and  financial  power  might,  in  the  hands 
of  the  Nation  of  Nations,  become  a  more  potent  weapon 
than  bristling  armaments  and  vast  armies  for  deterring  na- 
tions from  acts  of  aggression  and  hostility  and  for  pun- 
ishing countries  violating  the  new  covenants  that  hereafter 
must  permanently  bind  all  nations  together  in  one  peaceful 
family.  And  it  would  have  the  virtue  of  being  humane 
and  bloodless.  Gold,  then,  would  become  not  only  a  strong 
support  of  commerce  and  business  but  a  great  instrument 
for  banishing  war  and  extending  civilization  and  happiness 
to  all  the  peoples  of  the  earth. 


76 


CHAPTER  XIL 

SUPREME  RIGHT  OF  DEMOCRACY. 

The  time  has  come  for  democracy  to  assert  its  right  to 
universal  sway  throughout  the  earth.  The  first  great  oppor- 
tunity to  do  this  effectively  will  be  when  the  Nation  of 
Nations  is  created.  Its  Supreme  Constitution  should  recog- 
nize and  declare  that  the  unchangeable  source  and  deposi- 
tory of  all  sovereign  human  power  and  authority  is  the 
people  themselves;  that  all  governments,  whatever  their 
form  or  character,  are  merely  the  administrative  creatures 
and  agents  of  popular  power  and  ever  subject  to  its  sov- 
ereign will ;  that  hereafter  government  among  men  shall  be 
only  of  the  character  that  recognizes  that  its  existence  at 
all  times  depends  upon  the  consent  of  the  governed  and 
not  upon  heredity  or  force;  that  the  divine  right  of  the 
people  to  rule  themselves  shall  hereafter  forever  replace 
the  worn  out  dogma  of  the  divine  right  of  kings  to  inherit 
the  power  of  life  and  death  over  the  masses  of  mankind. 
Any  nation  unwilling  to  accept  this  fundamental  principle 
of  advanced  modern  civilization  and  to  square  its  practices 
therewith  shall  be  excluded  from  the  fellowship  of  the  pro- 
gressive nations  in  the  councils  of  the  Nation  of  Nations 
and  from  participation  in  its  control  and  benefits. 

ALL   KINGS   TO   BE   MADE   RESPONSIBLE. 

This  does  not  mean  that  countries  with  kings  or  other 
royal  establishments  will  be  excluded  simply  because  of  that 
fact.  However  much  we  may  differ  with  their  judgment  or 
wish  they  would  dispense  with  all  the  trappings  of  royalty, 
we  must  recognize  the  absolute  right  of  the  people  of  any 
country  to  permit  themselves  to  be  governed  by  a  king, 
emperor,  Sultan,  or  Czar.  It  is  only  a  nation  in  which 
royalty  autocratically  claims  to  rule  only  by  hereditary  di- 
vine right,  and  refuses  to  be  responsible  to  the  popular  will 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

and  to  give  the  people  a  free  and  dominant  voice  in  ali 
matters  of  government  and  general  welfare,  that  will  be 
classified  as  an  autocracy  and  denied  admission.  No  doubt 
the  people  in  countries  retaining  the  royal  system  soon  will 
insist  on  changes  that  would  make  their  Kings,  Emperors 
or  Czars  depend  for  their  right  to  rule  upon  an  election  by 
the  people,  or  by  a  popular  assembly  representing  the  people. 
That  would  permit  retaining  a  modern  royalty  that  has 
proved  acceptable  and  useful  and  yet  bring  it  into  harmony 
with  the  great  and  irresistible  democratic  principle  of  "self- 
determination,"  which  is  the  right  of  the  people  to  determine 
their  own  affairs.  The  term  for  which  a  king  is  so  elected 
could  be  limited,  preferably  to  four,  six  or  eight  years,  or  it 
could  be  unlimited  as  to  time,  the  people  or  their  repre- 
sentatives being  given  the  power  and  means  to  terminate 
without  revolution,  the  service  of  their  royal  ruler  any  time. 
Royalty  then  would  cease  to  be  irresponsible  and  absolute 
and  at  all  times  would  be  in  accord  with  the  popular  will. 

ABDICATE  OR  REFORM. 

Those  enjoying  the  prerogatives  of  royalty,  and  those 
honestly  believing  in  the  necessity  of  retaining  royal  estab- 
lishments in  certain  countries,  at  least  for  some  time,  should 
realize  that  the  best,  if  not  the  only  way,  to  avoid  ultimate 
and  perhaps  early  revolution,  violence  and  possible  anarchy 
is  to  promptly  change  to  a  republican  form  of  government 
or  else  voluntarily  alter  the  imperial  system  by  making  its 
tenure  and  powers  completely  subject  to  the  popular  will. 
Only  changes  that  are  honest  and  complete  will  satisfy  and 
prove  to  be  successful  and  enduring.  The  cumulating  force 
of  world  thought  and  opinion,  and  the  onsweep  of  the 
mighty  tide  of  aspiration  for  democracy,  liberty  and  free- 
dom, spreading  throughout  the  world,  is  certain  to  soon 
destroy  every  reactionary  royal  system  that  attempts  to 
obstruct  or  neglects  to  promptly  adjust  itself  to  the  demo- 
cratic spirit  of  the  dawning  New  Era. 

If  the  people  are  not  given  the  right  to  rule  they  will 

78 


SUPREME  RIGHT  OF  DEMOCRACY 

take  it,  for  at  last  they  have  come  to  know  that  that  right 
is  inherent  in  their  nature  and  inaHenable,  and  has  belonged 
to  them  from  the  beginning  Creation ;  that  it  has  been  taken 
from  them  by  fraud  or  force  practiced  by  self-appointed 
men  calling  themselves  princes,  kings,  emperors  or  czars, 
or  by  the  hereditary  descendents  of  the  original  transgres- 
sors. They  also  know  now  that  it  would  be  impossible  to 
count  the  dead  or  calculate  the  treasure  destroyed  during 
the  innumerable  wars  caused  by  kings  in  quarrels  between 
themselves  or  between  royal  despots  and  their  oppressed 
peoples.  If  there  never  had  been  any  kings  there  would 
have  been  far  less  wars  in  history. 

DIVINE   RIGHT   OF   KINGS  MYTH. 

The  divine  origin  of  the  right  of  kings  to  rule,  and  the 
claim  that  the  Almighty  daily  supports  and  approves  all  that 
royalty  does  or  attempts  simply  because  the  acts  are  the  acts 
of  kings,  is  now  an  exploded  myth.  If  the  doctrine  was 
ever  true  of  one  king,  it  necessarily  would  be  true  of  all 
kings,  emperors,  sultans  and  czars,  past  and  present.  In  that 
case  the  Kaiser  would  be  right  in  claiming  that  God  was  his 
active  partner  in,  and  equally  responsible  for,  the  frightful 
butcheries  and  brutalities  of  this  world  war  that  has  sent 
millions  of  men  prematurely  into  eternity.  If  the  Kaiser 
was  wrong,  then  every  other  royal  prince  is  wrong  in  his 
claim  of  divine  origin  as  the  source  of  his  power  and  au- 
thority. The  present  kings  of  other  countries  would  be  the 
first  to  deny  that  the  Kaiser  was  sent  from  on  high  by  the 
God  of  justice,  mercy  and  peace  to  become  imperial  ruler 
and  master  of  the  German  people  and  to  lead  them  to 
slaughter  and  in  slaughtering  their  peaceful  neighbor 
peoples.  And  yet  by  denying  that  right  to  the  Kaiser  they 
are  denying  it  to  themselves. 

The  safety  and  sanity  of  the  world  and  the  cause  of 
justice  will  be  advanced  by  honest  recognition  of  the  fact 
that  arbitrary  human  force  and  not  the  divine  will  is  the 
source  of  the  power  of  hereditary  kings,  and  that  the  asser- 

79 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

tion  of  divine  origin  and  support  always  is  made  by  kings 
for  the  purpose  of  keeping  their  wronged  peoples  in  subjec- 
tion to  their  arbitrary  will  by  working  upon  their  supersti- 
tions and  fears.  It  is  a  fraudulent  claim  that  becomes 
brazen  and  offensive  blasphemy  when  asserted. 

ABOLISH   "LESE   MAJESTY." 

The  legal  maxim,  ''the  king  can  do  no  wrong,"  is  a 
ghastly  joke  in  these  modern  days  when  viewed  by  the  lurid 
light  of  a  world  conflict  in  which  every  legal  and  moral 
principle  has  been  brutally  trampled  in  the  dust  by  the  forces 
of  an  imperial  ruler  who  deliberately  started  the  war  for 
selfish  conquest  and  waged  it  without  regard  to  any  laws, 
human  or  divine. 

"Lese  majesty,"  the  crime  of  criticising  a  princely  ruler, 
must  be  abolished  and  such  rulers  held  accountable  for  their 
official  acts  the  same  as  other  rulers,  and  subject  to  reason- 
able discussion  and  criticism.  A  government  that  is  above 
criticism  is  not  a  responsible  government,  and  only  tyrants 
punish  as  criminals  subjects  who  complain  when  oppressed. 
Tyranny  and  oppression  must  be  given  no  place  at  the 
future  council  table  of  civilized  nations  associated  with  the 
Nation  of  Nations ;  they  should  be  destroyed  by  the  orga- 
nized opinion  of  mankind ;  they  must  not  be  allowed  to  dese- 
crate the  Temple  of  Freedom  that  is  to  occupy  the  whole 
earth  during  the  coming  New  Era,  when  "peace  on  earth, 
good  will  to  all  men,"  shall  be  the  ruling  spirit  animating  and 
restraining  and  guiding  all  peoples. 

A  great  mutual  Nation  of  Nations,  standing  as  the 
armed  and  ever  alert  sentinel  guarding  the  eternal  rock  of 
justice  to  which  all  civilized  nations  shall  be  securely  an- 
chored, must  radiate  this  spirit  to  all  corners  of  the  earth, 
propelled  by  the  moral  force  of  its  own  impartial  conduct 
and  of  the  high  principles  indelibly  engraved  in  its  Supreme 
Constitution.  It  would  be  a  Big  Brother  to  the  many  new 
"war  baby"  republics,  shielding,  gently  restraining,  guiding 

80 


SUPREME  RIGHT  OF  DEMOCRACY 

and  encouraging  their  peoples  as  they  struggle  for  democ- 
racy, freedom  and  orderly  justice. 

RIGHT  OF  REVOLUTION. 

The  human  race  is  on  the  threshold  of  better  days,  but 
moderation  and  restraint,  not  violence  and  disorder,  are  the 
qualities  needed  to  successfully  harvest  the  bountiful  crop 
of  liberty  and  happiness  soon  to  come  within  reach  of  all 
mankind. 

There  are  times  when  armed  resistance  to  imperial  op- 
pression is  not  only  justified  but  absolutely  necessary  to  gain 
freedom.  Revolution  is  recognized  as  entirely  legal,  but 
only  when  completely  successful.  That  was  the  way  the 
great  republic  of  the  United  States  was  born.  Freedom  usu- 
ally has  been  gained  that  way.  But  the  prospect  of  ultimate 
success  should  be  carefully  weighed  before  any  active  at- 
tempt is  made  to  overthrow  constituted  authority  and  set 
up  a  new  system.  The  wrongs  and  injustice  complained 
of  should  be  of  such  a  character  that  they  affect  and  out- 
rage a  large  majority  of  all  the  people  and  all  constitutional 
methods  for  righting  such  wrongs  should  be  exhausted 
before  resort  to  revolution.  Public  sentiment  is  the  impor- 
tant thing  at  such  a  time.  The  act  must  be  justified  by 
the  people  generally.  It  should  ever  be  kept  in  mind  that 
ordinary  violence,  bloodshed,  robbery,  disorder,  and  injus- 
tice usually  tend  only  to  discredit,  delay  or  destroy  democ- 
racy. They  harm  the  cause  of  democracy  by  giving  the 
false  impression  that  the  people  are  incapable  of  govern- 
ing themselves;  that  they  can  not  establish  and  maintain 
order  and  justice  because  of  lack  of  intelligence  and  self- 
restraint.  History  shows  that  when  the  people  have  had 
equal  opportunity  and  experience,  their  republican  govern- 
ments are  as  sound  and  orderly  as  that  of  any  Monarchy, 
and  in  addition  they  confer  a  higher  degree  of  impartial 
justice,  liberty  and  freedom,  more  equal  opportunity  and 
better  means  for  extending  general  education  and  enlighten- 

81 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

ment.  But  we  should  closely  follow  the  path  of  successful 
experience  and  avoid  all  discrediting,  visionary  experiments. 
The  ultimate  destiny  of  the  human  race  is,  to  come  into 
its  own,  regain  its  natural  rights  and  establish  democracy 
throughout  the  world.  The  speed  will  depend  quite  largely 
upon  the  avoidance  of  mistakes  likely  to  impair  confidence 
in  the  wisdom  of  democracy. 


82 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

FREEDOM  OF  THE  SEAS. 

In  the  New  Era,  if  the  plan  herein  suggested  is  adopted, 
the  high  seas  outside  of  three  marine  miles  from  the  shore 
would  be  under  the  exclusive  control  of  the  Nation  of  Na- 
tions. The  privilege  of  going  under,  on  or  over  the  seas 
then  would  depend  absolutely  upon  possession  of  a  license 
granted  by  the  Nation  of  Nations,  and  the  privilege  at  all 
times  would  have  to  be  used  in  strict  accordance  with  the 
terms  and  conditions  of  such  license.  Any  nation  or  per- 
son using  the  high  seas  without  such  license,  or  in  violation 
of  the  express  provisions  thereof,  would  be  a  trespasser  and 
liable  to  seizure  and  punishment  in  accordance  with  the 
international  laws  of  the  Nation  of  Nations  as  administered 
in  its  courts ;  the  judgment  or  sentence  would  be  enforced 
by  use  of  its  central  police  power. 

The  sea  license  would  be  granted  only  to  nations  repre- 
sented in,  and  in  good  standing  with,  the  Nation  of  Nations. 
Each  nation  would  get  the  same  kind  of  a  license,  entitling 
it  to  the  same  privileges  granted  to,  and  making  it  subject 
to  the  same  restrictions  and  liabilities  imposed  upon,  all 
other  supporting  nations.  There  would  be  no  preference 
or  discrimination  between  nations  so  long  as  they  all  re- 
main in  good  standing  and  obey  the  international  laws  of 
the  Nation  of  Nations.  But  the  moment  any  nation  by  its 
deliberate  act  violates  international  law  and  thereby  chal- 
lenges the  supreme  authority  of  the  Nation  of  Nations, 
menaces  the  equal  rights  of  other  nations  on  the  seas  and 
endangers  the  peace  of  the  entire  family  of  nations,  its 
license  would,  at  the  option  of  the  Nation  of  Nations,  be 
forfeited  and  canceled.  Use  of  the  seas  by  the  guilty  nation 
and  its  people  thereafter  would  be  denied,  and  if  necessary 
forcibly  prevented,  until  such  nation  shall  have  been  rein- 
stated to  good  standing  in  the  Nation  of  Nations. 

83 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

Individuals  and  corporations  would  get  no  sea-license 
from  the  Nation  of  Nations.  They  would,  as  now,  obtain 
their  permission  to  navigate  from  their  respective  coun- 
tries. But  when  the  sea-license  of  any  country  shall  be 
legally  forfeited,  that  automatically  would  act  as  a  for- 
feiture of  the  sea  privileges  of  all  its  individual  or  corporate 
citizens  or  subjects. 

MUTUAL  CONTROL  OF  HIGH  SEAS. 

Possession  of  this  absolute  and  exclusive  control  over 
the  high  seas  by  the  Nation  of  Nations  as  the  mutual  crea- 
ture and  protector  of  all  nations,  with  delegated  and  irre- 
vocable authority  from  all  loyal  nations  and  their  peoples  to 
license  use  of  the  seas  on  terms  of  absolute  equality,  and 
to  forcibly  prevent  the  use  of  the  high  seas  by  disloyal 
nations  or  their  subjects  for  any  purpose  whatever,  would 
be  the  best  means  the  world  could  devise  for  establishing 
and  maintaining  international  justice  and  preventing  future 
wars  between  nations.  And  that,  we  should  bear  in  mind, 
is  now  the  greatest  need  of  the  world.  In  fact  the  necessity 
for  the  creation  and  maintainance  of  an  instrumentality  that 
will  make  future  world  wars  impossible  is  so  imperative 
that  use  of  force  to  that  end  against  any  rebellious  minority 
of  nations  will  be  justified  and  no  doubt  employed  if  neces- 
sary, when  the  large  majority  of  the  nations  shall  have 
agreed  upon  a  system  that  would  put  all  countries  upon  a 
plane  of  absolute  equality  before  the  law  and  in  the  enjoy- 
ment of  mutually  guaranteed  protection  and  privileges. 
Hereafter  the  security  of  all  the  world  shall  not  depend 
upon  the  mere  will  of  any  one  nation  that  may  be  devoid  of 
international  honor. 

Only  a  foolish  nation  would  wantonly  attack  another 
natiort  if  thereby  it  would  lose  its  right  to  representation 
and  good  standing  in  the  Nation  of  Nations  (which  means 
the  civilized  family  of  nations)  and  forfeit  its  license  to 
use  the  high  seas  for  any  purpose.  The  commerce  and  ship- 
ping of  such  offending  nation  and  its  citizens  or  subjects 

84 


FREEDOM   OF   THE  SEAS 

then  could  be  lawfully  driven  from  the  high  seas  imme- 
diately Such  country  could  be  isolated  and  prevented 
from  having  intercourse  or  communication  of  any  kind 
with  countries  from  which  it  is  separated  by  seas. 

In  this  age  when  the  domestic  welfare  of  every  country 
so  much  depends  upon  its  commerce  and  intercourse  with 
other  countries  from  which  it  must  derive  food  and  raw 
materials  and  to  which  it  must,  in  exchange,  sell  finished 
products,  there  could  be  no  greater  practical  punishment 
imposed  upon  a  lawless  nation  than  the  effective  economic 
punishment  of  canceling  its  sea-license  and  driving  its 
commerce  from  the  high  seas  of  the  world. 

AMERICAN  SEA  DOCTRINE. 

The  high  seas,  like  the  air  and  the  sunshine,  have  been 
provided  by  Providence  for  the  impartial  use  and  benefit 
of  all  mankind.  They  constitute  means  of  transportation 
and  communication  essential  to  the  proper  existence  of 
every  civilized  country;  therefore  they  can  never  be  appro- 
priated or  monopolized  by  any  nation. 

No  country  ever  had  or  can  have  title  to  any  part  of 
the  seas  beyond  three  marine  miles  from  the  shore,  or  any 
right  or  privilege  under,  on  or  above  such  seas  that  is  not 
shared  equally  with  every  other  organized  nation.  As  all 
countries  have  equal  privilege  and  must  necessarily  use 
the  high  seas  in  common,  they  can  adjust  differences  and 
disputes  certain  to  arise  outside  of  their  respective  national 
boundaries  only  by  amicable  methods  or  by  force.  Such 
controversies  cannot  always  be  composed  by  agreement. 
There  should  be  provided  an  international  supreme  court, 
with  full  authority  to  decide,  to  which  nations  would  be 
required  to  submit  for  final  decision  every  question  pertain- 
ing to  the  seas  that  they  cannot  amicably  adjust  between 
themselves. 

A  legislative  body,  in  which  every  interested  country  is 
represented,  is  also  needed.     Such  body  would  enact  inter- 

85 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

national  laws,  so  that  all  may  know  the  regulations  pertain- 
ing to  the  seas  and  otherwise.  An  executive  with  an  ade- 
quate police  power  to  enforce  international  laws  and  court 
decisions  and  to  regulate  the  use  of  the  high  seas  would 
complete  the  machinery  needed. 

Thereafter  the  Nation  of  Nations  alone  would  police 
the  oceans  of  the  earth  and  have  authority  to  regulate  the 
use  of  the  seas.  This  would  be  done  in  strict  accordance 
with  the  powers  delegated  to  it  by  the  nations  of  the  world 
and  set  forth  in  its  supreme  constitution. 

The  inauguration  of  this  plan  would  end  for  all  time  the 
dangerous  practice  of  search  and  seizure  and  blockade  on 
the  high  seas  by  one  nation  against  another,  and  the  doctrine 
of  contraband.  Those  hostile  or  violent  acts,  so  likely  to 
provoke  war,  would  thenceforth  be  unnecessary,  because 
it  would  be  impossible  for  nations  lawfully  to  begin  war 
on  each  other.  The  Nation  of  Nations,  however,  in  the 
lawful  performance  of  its  authorized  police  power  duties, 
could  blockade  the  ports  of  any  lawless  nation, 
search  and  seize  its  ships  and  drive  its  commerce  from 
the  seas;  and  it  could  authorize,  but  not  require,  other  na- 
tions to  help  it  inflict  such  restraint  or  punishment  on  an 
offending  nation.  Other  nations  could  be  prohibited  from 
trading  by  sea  routes  with  such  guilty  nation  while  it  was 
not  in  good  standing  in  the  Nation  of  Nations. 

The  alternative  of  this  plan  is  force — more  war. 


86 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

THE  WORLD  COURT  MOVEMENT. 

A  thoroughly  respectable  and  earnest  movement  for  the 
establishment  of  a  permanent  World  Court  has  been  started 
by  men  of  high  character  and  standing.  They  demand  that 
remedy  and  nothing  else.  They  frankly  say  they  fear  if 
they  ask  for  more  they  will  not  get  even  a  world  court.  It 
is  like  a  man  buying  a  tent  for  a  home  to  shelter  his  family 
when  he  wants  and  is  perfectly  able  to  buy  a  house. 

A  permanent  world  court  no  doubt  would  be  a  desirable 
thing.  It  would  be  an  advance.  It  would  be  better  than 
nothing.  But  why  stop  at  that?  Why  attempt  to  regulate 
and  manage  the  family  of  nations  and  prevent  war  with 
only  a  court? 

Why  not  demand  just  what  the  world  wants,  and  all 
that  is  needed,  to  govern  the  international  field,  the  family 
of  nations,  in  a  way  to  insure  justice  and  order  perma- 
nently? There  must  be  a  government,  of  the  usual  kind 
and  with  the  regular  machinery  and  functions,  established 
there  in  the  only  place  where  such  authority  and  agencies 
never  have  existed.  Until  that  is  done  there  will  be  dis- 
putes and  wars.  Knowing  that  fact,  every  nation  will 
remain  armed  and  increase  its  armaments  and  forces  to  the 
limit  so  not  to  be  again  caught  unprepared.  A  world  court 
alone  would  not  meet  the  necessities  of  the  present  world 
situation  in  any  way  whatever. 

A    JUDICIAL    AUTOCRACY. 

Suppose  all  government  and  all  laws  in  the  United 
States  were  at  once  abolished  and  there  was  substituted 
merely  a  general  court,  what  would  be  the  result?  And 
yet  if  that  was  done  this  country  would  be  in  precisely  the 
same  predicament  as  the  family  of  nations  would  be  in  with 
a  world  court  and  nothing  else  to  regulate  it? 

87 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

The  world  court  would  have  to  be  a  legislative  body 
to  enact  international  laws,  a  judiciary  to  construe  such 
laws  and  administer  justice,  an  executive  to  enforce  such 
laws  and  police  the  family  of  nations  and  prevent  one 
nation  attacking  another,  and  an  administrative  body  to 
conduct  the  plain  business  affairs.  There  would  be  no 
constitution  to  define  and  limit  the  powers  of  such  court 
because  governments,  not  courts,  possess  constitutions. 

The  handful  of  judges  could  do  nothing  unless  given 
authority,  and  if  given  authority  they  could  be  as  autocratic 
and  irresponsible  as  any  absolute  divine  right  monarch  that 
ever  lived.  To  be  effective  and  successful,  the  court  would 
have  to  organize  and  maintain  armed  military  and  naval 
forces  of  such  strength  that  individual  nations  would  obey 
the  laws  and  decrees  of  the  court  for  fear  of  the  penalties 
that  would  be  inflicted  for  disobedience.  If  it  did  not  do 
that  its  laws  would  be  jokes  to  be  laughed  at  and  its  de- 
crees mere  "scraps  of  paper"  to  be  torn  up  instead  of 
obeyed. 

Why  establish  either  a  judicial  autocracy  with  unre- 
stricted sovereign  power  over  all  nations,  or  a  ''world  court" 
with  no  effective  power  at  all?  The  former  would  be  dan- 
gerous and  the  latter  impotent  and  useless. 

When  the  world  is  on  fire,  why  stop  to  experiment  with 
new  and  untried  methods  for  extinguishing  the  flames  when 
there  is  at  hand  for  the  taking  an  abundance  of  water  and 
plenty  of  fire-extinguishing  apparatus  of  the  kind  proved 
by  long  experience  to  be  the  most  successful  and  efficient 
ever  used  for  the  purpose? 

A  world  court  is  needed,  but  it  should  be  only  one  of 
the  supreme  coordinate  branches  of  an  international  govern- 
ment or  Nation  of  Nations  that  also  has  a  legislative  branch 
to  enact  international  laws  and  an  executive  branch  to 
enforce  such  laws  and  the  decrees  of  such  court,  and  to 
maintain  order  in  the  family  of  nations.  And  such  govern- 
ment must  have  a  supreme  constitution  clearly  setting  forth 

88 


THE    WORLD    COURT   MOVEMENT 

the  powers  and  limitations  delegated  by  the  supporting 
individual  nations  to  their  nation  of  nations,  and  the  powers 
to  be  exercised  by  and  the  restrictions  imposed  upon  each 
of  its  said  branches.  Thus  the  usual  agencies  or  machinery 
of  which  every  progressive  modern  government  is  com- 
posed would  be  employed  in  the  family  of  nations  for  the 
same  identical  purposes  for  which  it  is  used  in  every  coun- 
try, state,  city  and  town  in  the  world. 

There  is  more  prospect  of  the  nations  creating  a  mutual 
international  government  than  a  lonesome  world  court, 
to  govern  the  international  field.  That  is  because  they 
would  be  able  by  means  of  its  constitution,  to  grant  to  the 
Nation  of  Nations  just  the  powers  and  duties  they  desire  it 
to  exercise  and  to  impose  constitutional  restrictions  that 
would  forever  prevent  it  from  exceeding  the  bounds  of  its 
delegated  authority. 

VIGILANCE   COMMITTEE   GOVERNMENT. 

In  new  mining  camps  and  other  primitive  frontier 
places,  where  the  usual  agencies  of  civilized  government 
have  not  yet  been  organized,  disorder,  violence  and  crime 
are  common,  open  and  unrestrained.  Such  a  community, 
so  long  as  it  remains  in  that  condition,  is  considered  quite 
as  uncivilized  as  some  tribes  of  pre-historic  stone-age 
savages.  Brute  force  alone  rules.  Every  man  carries  a 
weapon  and  keeps  it  ever  ready,  just  as  the  savage  keeps 
his  club  handy  for  quick  use  in  case  of  emergency.  Neither 
the  owner  of  the  weapon  or  the  possessor  of  the  club  may 
have  any  desire  to  assail  others,  but  they  know  that  in 
such  circumstances  their  safety  may  depend  wholly  on 
their  ability  to  defend  themselves  when  suddenly  attacked 
by  less  peaceful  or  more  brutal  persons. 

Finally  some  more  shocking  crime  or  general  disorder 
and  danger  suggests  the  idea  of  a  mutual  effort  to  protect 
against  a  common  danger.  They  get  a  few  of  the  more 
orderly  and  intelligent  together  and  quietly  form  a  "vigi- 

89 


LEAGUE    OF    NATIONS 

lance  committee"  and  authorize  it  to  take  any  steps  neces- 
sary to  check  the  volume  of  violence  and  crime  and  punish, 
expel  or  exterminate  those  who  resist  this  newly  created 
authority  by  continuing  their  depredations. 

The  community  thus  has  established  the  rudiments,  the 
mere  beginnings,  of  orderly  government.  It  would  not  yet 
be  considered  civilized  but  has  taken  the  first  primitive 
step  toward  civilization.  There  is  as  yet  no  trial,  hearing 
or  chance  for  defense,  because  there  is  no  court  or  jury 
to  determine  the  guilt  or  innocence  of  the  accused.  The 
vigilance  committee  kills  on  sight  those  it  deems  guilty.  The 
only  law  is  lynch  law,  whether  it  be  employed  by  the  vigi- 
lafice  committee  or  the  inflamed  mob. 

With  the  growth  of  intelligence  the  idea  that  the  accused 
should  have  a  chance  to  explain  and  that  he  should  be  con- 
fronted by  witnesses  and  proof  of  guilt  before  being  pun- 
ished began  to  spread.  That  suggested  that  there  should 
be  somebody  to  regulate  the  proceedings  and  pass  upon  the 
sufficiency  of  such  proof  and  pronounce  upon  the  guilt  or 
innocence  of  the  accused.  And  then  there  must  be  some 
one  designated  to  execute  the  sentence.  And  so  a  crude 
form  of  government  was  organized  with  a  committee  au- 
thorized to  make  and  proclaim  general  rules  that  all  must 
obey,  and  a  sort  of  court  to  decide  whether  any  accused 
had  violated  such  rules,  and  a  sheriff,  or  other  persons  au- 
thorized to  carry  out  the  decisions  of  the  court.  And  soon 
it  was  found  advisable  to  let  this  court  also  decide  civil 
disputes  instead  of  permitting  the  parties  to  fight  over  the 
matter  or  quarrel  and  perhaps  kill  each  other  and  start  a 
feud  that  would  involve  whole  families. 

So  the  step  toward  civilization,  represented  by  the  or- 
ganization of  a  vigilance  committee  to  establish  order  by 
lynch  law  without  a  trial,  was  followed  by  the  actual  em- 
brace of  civilization  of  the  most  rudimental  kind,  shown 
by  the  actual  organization  of  crude  agencies  of  a  govern- 
mental character  designed  to  represent  the  authority  of  the 
popular  will  in  establishing  order  and  administering  justice. 

90 


THE    WORLD    COURT   MOVEMENT 

As  time  went  on,  experience  and  practice  and  growth 
of  general  intelligence  enabled  men  to  improve  these 
agencies  and  the  processes  employed  until  the  splendid 
system  of  modern  government,  with  its  legislative,  judicial 
and  executive  branches  and  its  checks  and  balances,  was 
evolved  and  established  in  complete  or  modified  form  in 
every  country,  state,  city  and  town  in  the  world.  It  thus 
became  the  chief  means  for  establishing  and  insuring  jus- 
tice between  men,  maintaining  public  order  and  guarding 
liberty  and  freedom.  Only  when  this  had  been  fully  accom- 
plished, and  only  where  these  orderly  governmental  agencies 
exist,  were  the  people  considered  fully  civilized  and  true 
modern  civilization  deemed  to  exist. 

BUT  ONE  UNCIVILIZED   PLACE. 

There  is  only  one  place  in  the  world  where  these  uni- 
versally recognized  agencies  and  evidences  of  modern  civ- 
ilization have  never  been  established  or  used ;  only  one 
place  where  no  government,  no  court,  no  law—making  body, 
no  law-enforcing  or  order-compelling  executive  were  ever 
authorized,  created  or  used.  Was  that  in  a  new  mining 
camp?  No.  Was  it  among  the  dense  and  ignorant  and 
superstitious  masses  of  India  or  China?  No.  Was  it 
among  the  semi-savage  tribal  villages  of  darkest  Africa? 
No. 

The  one  place  in  all  the  world  where  orderly  govern- 
ment has  never  been  created,  the  place  that  has  steadily 
refused  to  accept  and  embrace  true  modern  civilization  and 
its  approved  agencies  and  processes,  is  the  great  heathen, 
brutal,  semi-savage  place  known  as  the  family  of  nations! 

There,  only,  is  where  every  member  goes  armed  to  the 
teeth  and  they  attack  and  kill  each  other  without  reason, 
justice,  trial,  witnesses,  evidence  or  opportunity  for  de- 
fense. Lynch  law  alone  is  the  instrument,  not  of  justice 
but  of  vengeance,  hate,  envy  and  greed,  when  periodically 
the  whole  family  of  nations  is  drawn  into  the  vortex  of 
brutal,  bloody  strife  and  war. 

91 


LEAGUE     OE    NATIONS 

It  has  taken  the  first  step  toward  civiHzation,  but  only 
the  first  step.  It  has  created  two  vigilance  committees  to 
try  and  make  the  family  more  secure.  They  were  named 
^'Entente"  and  "Triple  Alliance"  respectively.  These  two 
vigilance  committees  proceeded  to  see  which  could  build 
the  most  battleships  and  organize  the  biggest  band  of  fight- 
ing men.  By  and  by  one  thought  it  had  the  best  fighting 
machine  so  it  attacked  and  tried  to  exterminate  the  other. 
During  the  melee  they  killed  more  than  seven  million  men, 
crippled  ten  millions  more,  destroyed  nearly  two  hundred 
billions  of  dollars'  worth  of  property,  came  near  destroy- 
ing most  of  the  members  of  the  family  of  nations  and 
threatened  to  exterminate  civilization  and  a  large  portion 
of  the  entire  human  race. 

It  took  all  of  that  to  prove  to  everybody  that  in  a  primi- 
tive, stone-age  place  like  the  family  of  nations,  lynch  law 
is  not  just  the  right  method  when  two  vigilance  committees 
exist  and  try  to  use  it.  So  now  it  is  proposed  to  "improve" ; 
to  take  a  second  actual  step  toward  civilization.  The  League 
to  Enforce  Peace  suggested  that  the  same  lynch  law  remain 
but  be  enforced  by  one  vigilance  committee  instead  of  two, 
by  one  world  treaty  alliance.  And  that  is  precisely  the 
thing  proposed  by  the  alleged  "Constitution"  for  a 
"League  of  Nations,"  now  pending  before  the  General 
Peace  Congress,  and  it  is  all  that  it  proposes. 

Of  course  that  in  no  sense  is  civilization,  because  there 
would  be  created  in  the  family  of  nations  no  government, 
courts,  legislative  body,  police  power,  executive  or  other 
governmental  agencies  that  are  the  recognized  agencies  of 
civilization. 

Is  it  not  high  time  for  the  family  of  nations  to  emerge 
from  the  primitive  state,  shake  off  the  shackles  of  almighty 
precedent  and  actually  embrace  civilization  itself  by  adopt- 
ing and  using  for  its  protection  and  security  the  recognized 
and  common  implements  and  processes  that  have  established, 
developed  and  protected  civilization  and  its  high  ideals 
everywhere  else  in  the  world? 

92 


THE    WORLD    COURT   MOVEMENT 

Must  we  wait  until  another  and  greater  world  war 
kills  more  millions  and  destroys  further  billions  of  treasure 
and  perhaps  blots  civilization  from  the  earth,  in  order  to 
prove  simply  that  lynch  law  is  not  a  good  way  to  regulate 
the  family  of  nations  even  when  it  is  used  by  one  vigilance 
committee  alliance  instead  of  two? 

Why  not  at  once  do  the  simple  and  practical  thing,  create 
a  Nation  of  Nations  as  a  new  international  government 
with  the  usual  functions  and  powers,  a  great,  strong,  central 
police  power,  with  authority  and  ample  means  for  protect- 
ing the  entire  family  of  nations,  establishing  orderly  justice 
in  the  place  of  lynch  law,  and  for  guarding  liberty  and 
freedom  and  the  world's  peace  forever? 

Then  can  we  truly  say  that  civilization  and  its  beneficent 
agencies  and  processes  prevail  everywhere  on  earth  and  the 
stubborn  and  rebellious  will  of  man  at  last  has  been  brought 
into  accord  with  the  divine  will  of  his  Creator. 


93 


CHAPTER  XV. 


UNITED  STATES  IN  THE  WAR. 

Under  modern  conditions  the  nation  beginning  a  war  of 
conquest  against  one  country  really  begins  it  against  all 
nations.  Such  a  war  gradually  spreads  until  it  becomes  a 
general  world  war  and  involves  all  countries,  directly  or 
indirectly.  With  the  system  of  duplicated  national  arma- 
ments and  offensive  and  defensive  alliances,  all  mankind 
is  helplessly  enmeshed  in  the  coils  of  the  war  serpent  with 
no  chance  for  escape.  And  this  hopeless  condition  will 
prevail  on  this  earth,  and  more  world  wars  be  certain,  until 
the  peoples  abolish  such  alliances  and  national  armaments 
and  substitute  one  central  mutual  police  power  with  author- 
ity and  means  for  forcibly  preventing  war. 

The  United  States  entered  the  war  without  one  selfish 
object.  It  could  not. in  honor  stay  out.  It  was  forced  in  by 
the  lawless  acts  of  Germany  and  the  cry  for  help  by  the 
spirit  of  democracy  and  a  perishing  civilization.  In  19 
months,  from  April  2,  1917,  the  republic  raised  an  armed 
force  of  3,700,000  and  sent  2,000,000  to  Europe  to  fight  for 
democracy  and  humanity  on  the  ''frontier  of  freedom." 

During  the  same  time  it  raised  and  expended  18  billions 
of  dollars,  or  six  times  the  cost  of  conducting  its  Civil  War 
for  five  years.  Seventy  thousand  Americans  died  in  service 
and  nearly  200,000  were  wounded.  That  is  the  price  the 
United  States  has  already  paid  in  its  unselfish  crusade  to 
help  "make  the  world  safe  for  democracy."  When  to  its 
present  outlay  is  added  the  sums  yet  to  be  paid  for  soldiers' 
insurance,  pensions,  interest  on  the  war  debt  and  otherwise 
it  will  be  found  that  this  peaceful  country  was  forced  by 
one  world  war  to  expend  an  amount  equal  to  nearly  one- 
fourth  of  its  entire  wealth,  a  sum  likely  to  exceed  the  40 
billions  dollars  that  comprised  the  aggregate  public  debts 
of  the  42  nations  of  the  earth  on  August  1,  1914. 

94 


UNITED   STATES  IN   THE   WAR 

In  view  of  the  above  facts,  and  because  the  United 
States  came  into  the  war  at  its  darkest  hour  and  rendered 
important  aid  m  gaining  the  common  victory,  the  people  of 
this  repubHc  feel  justified  in  urging  to  the  utmost  that  all 
countries  unite  in  creating  such  a  league  of  nations  as  will 
make  another  world  war  and  a  repetition  of  these  frightful 
losses  forever  impossible.  They  want  no  special  advantage 
or  protection.  They  only  propose  the  creation  of  a  mutual 
Nation  of  Nations  in  which  every  country,  large  or  small, 
will  be  represented  and  that  will  render  impartial  service 
and  security  to  all. 

Unless  this  plan  is  adopted,  the  nations  of  the  world 
will  remain  exposed  to  not  only  the  danger  but  the  certainty 
of  more  wars  of  even  greater  size  and  ferocity.  And  they 
must  increase  instead  of  diminish  their  armies  and  arma- 
ments and  their  annual  financial  burdens  in  order  not  to  be 
again  caught  unprepared. 

MUST   AMERICA    REMAIN   ARMED? 

The  United  States  does  not  desire  an  acre  possessed  by 
any  other  country.  It  wants  no  privilege  on  the  seas  or 
elsewhere  that  it  is  not  ready  to  grant  to  every  other  nation. 
It  now  has  no  quarrel  with  any  other  country  and  no  feeling 
of  hatred  or  envy  toward  any  other  people.  It  has  no 
hostile  aims  and  is  conscious  of  no  reason  why  any  country 
should  have  hostile  designs  toward  this  republic.  It  wants 
to  live  in  peace,  enjoying  the  friendship  of  every  other 
nation,  so  that  it  may  be  helpful  to  other  peoples  by  extend- 
ing the  blessings  of  democratic  freedom  and  civilization 
throughout  the  world. 

Notwithstanding  these  facts,  the  United  States  must, 
and  no  doubt  will,  immediately  proceed  to  increase  its  navy 
until  it  is  larger  if  not  double  that  of  any  other  country, 
and  maintain  a  vast  standing  army,  unless  a  Nation  of 
Nations  is  formed  to  make  such  ''preparedness"  unneces- 
sary. And  it  also  would  have  to  establish  and  maintain 
.the  system  of  teaching  and  training  its  children  almost  from 

55 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

the  cradle  the  art  and  most  scientific  methods  of  killing 
human  beings  wholesale  in  war.  Nothing  could  induce  the 
republic  thus  to  go  upon  a  permanent  military  basis  but 
the  refusal  of  the  other  nations  to  join  with  it  in  the  plan 
that  would  make  militarism  unnecessary  and  impossible. 
And  if  the  United  States  thus  is  forced  to  devote  its  ener- 
gies and  vast  resources  to  the  creation  of  a  gigantic  military 
machine  stronger  than  anything  yet  produced,  who  can  now 
say  to  a  certainty  that  the  process  will  not  also  develop  a 
military  party  and  leaders  who  may  be  tempted  at  some 
future  time  to  seek  territorial  expansion  if  not  positive 
world  dominion  and  once  more  inundate  the  world  with  a 
tide  of  human  blood  and  tears?  The  people  of  republics 
sometimes  are  led  astray  by  the  ambitions  and  intrigues  of 
the  magnetic  ''man  on  horseback." 

DOES  EUROPE  WANT  MORE  WAR? 

Civilization  and  the  free  nations  of  the  world  were  saved 
three  times  during  the  world  war  by  a  mere  "scratch." 
First,  when  the  brave  little  Belgian  army  at  Liege  held  back 
the  Teuton  hosts  for  about  two  weeks  and  gave  France  time 
to  mobilize.  Second,  when  the  splendid  army  of  France, 
assisted  by  the  British,  stopped  the  German  forces  at  the 
Marne  and  forced  a  retreat.  Third,  when  the  French  and 
American  forces  blocked  the  armies  of  the  Central  Powers 
at  the  second  battle  of  the  Marne.  And  a  fourth  occasion 
nearly  as  critical  was  when  the  drive  toward  Amiens  and 
the  sea  was  stopped  by  the  British  and  French. 

If  on  any  one  of  those  historic  occasions  conditions  had 
been  slightly  different,  the  Kaiser  no  doubt  would  now  be 
master  of  the  world,  instead  of  a  fugitive  from  his  own 
country,  and  the  free  democracies  would  have  permanently 
surrendered  vast  territories  and  their  peoples  been  com- 
pelled to  toil  and  struggle  for  a  century  to  pay  off  the 
staggering  indemnity  with  which  they  would  have  been 
cruelly  mortgaged  for  the  benefit  of  a  conquering  autocracy. 

96 


UNITED   STATES  IN   THE    WAR 

Accurate  figures  of  the  cost  and  losses  of  the  war  are 
not  yet  available.  Careful  estimates  seem  to  indicate  that 
it  has  killed  more  than  7,000,000,  crippled  or  impaired  over 
10,000,000  more  and  caused  losses  by  way  of  expenditures 
and  damage  to  an  amount  nearly  equal  to  half  of  the  entire 
wealth  of  the  world! 

It  is  said  that  when  the  figures  are  all  in,  the  direct 
money  cost  will  be  more  than  200  billions  of  dollars,  nearly 
three-fourths  of  which  will  be  funded  by  the  nations  and 
spread  upon  the  people  as  a  great  and  unescapable  bonded 
mortgage  on  all  mankind.  Thus  the  40  billions  that  was 
the  aggregate  public  debt  of  all  nations  on  August  1,  1914, 
has  been  increased  about  four-fold  by  four  years  of  war. 

The  estimated  total  wealth  of  Great  Britain  in  1914  was 
85  billion  dollars,  Germany  80  billions,  France  50  billions, 
Italy  20  billions,  Austria-Hungary  25  billions  and  Russia  40 
billions ;  each  spent  on  this  one  war  a  sum  exceeding  half 
of  its  total  wealth. 

The  human  mind  cannot  readly  grasp  the  size  and  mean- 
ing of  $200,000,000,000.00,  two  hundred  billions  of  dol- 
lars !  It  is  40%  of  the  500  billions  of  dollars  estimated  to 
be  the  total  wealth  of  the  world.  It  is  twenty-five  times  the 
total  8  billions  of  gold  in  the  world,  with  which  such  debts 
and  interest  must  be  paid.  It  is  twenty  times  the  entire  10 
billions  of  gold  and  silver  in  existence.  It  is  upwards  of 
five  times  all  the  gold  dug  from  the  earth  since  the  morning 
stars  first  sang  together! 

WORLD  IN   DEBT  BONDAGE. 

But  that  is  not  the  total  legacy  of  debt,  toil  and  suffering 
left  to  humanity  by  one  world  war.  Besides  increased 
expenses,  pensions  and  reconstruction  costs,  the  interest 
and  expense  that  must  be  paid  every  year  on  these  war 
debts  will  be  at  least  10  billions  of  dollars,  or  2  billions 
more  than  the  8  billions  of  gold  in  the  world  with  which 
such   interest,   and  the   installments   of   principal   annually 

97 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

falling  due,  must  be  paid.  The  amount  of  this  interest  is 
nearly  ten  times  the  total  yearly  interest  on  all  national 
debts  before  the  war.  It  is  several  times  the  aggregate 
annual  cost  of  running  all  the  governments  on  earth  before 
the  year  1914.  Much  of  this  new  interest  burden  cannot  be 
paid  when  due  by  peoples  struggling  to  repair  the  damage 
done  by  the  war  to  property,  industry  and  commerce. 

It  will  have  to  be  refunded  and  added  to  the  principal 
of  the  debt  each  year.  Thus  humanity,  burdened  with  an 
unpayable  war  debt  that  compound  interest  is  ever  increas- 
ing and  perhaps  will  double  every  20  or  30  years,  may  con- 
stantly sink  deeper  and  deeper  into  the  quicksands  of  hope- 
less debt  bondage. 

The  world  war  has  driven  the  human  race  into  a  slavery 
almost  as  helpless  and  hopeless  as  physical  bondage.  In 
either  case  the  victims  are  permitted  to  exist  and  are  fed 
and  maintained,  so  that  they  may  labor  and  produce;  but 
the  fruit  of  their  toil  largely  goes  to  others. 

Modern  conditions  and  interlacing  alliances  make  it  pos- 
sible, if  not  certain,  that  a  war  started  anywhere  will  spread 
until  the  whole  world  is  involved.  That  emphasizes  the 
imperative  necessity  of  the  civilized  countries  combining  to 
create  and  maintain  a  strong  and  efficient  mutual  agency 
and  police  power  that  can  and  will  prevent  a  war  of  any 
kind  starting  between  nations  anywhere.  It  is  the  only 
logical,  practical,  safe  and  effective  plan.  A  comparison 
of  the  size  and  cost,  in  lives  and  money,  of  former  wars  and 
of  the  recent  world  war,  should  enable  all  to  see  that  the 
most  important  thing  in  the  world  right  now  is  to  construct 
an  anti-war  machine  that  under  any  and  all  circumstances 
will  operate  satisfactorily,  safely,  quickly  and  successfully ; 
and  the  only  machinery  that  will  do  that  is  Government, 
a  limited  mutual  Nation  of  Nations. 

The  United  States  used  only  309,781  men  in  the  Revolu- 
tionary war,  576,622  men  in  the  war  of  1812,  2,772,408 
men  (on  Union  side)  in  Civil  war  and  274,717  in  Spanish 

98 


UNITED  STATES  IN  THE   IV AR 

war,  a  total  of  3,733,528,  which  is  almost  the  exact  number 
actually  put  under  arms  in  the  world  war.  The  money 
cost  of  this  war  was  several  times  the  aggregate  cost  to 
this  country  of  all  other  wars. 

The  aggregate  total  figures  of  all  prior  modern  wars 
anywhere  in  the  w^orld,  from  1793  to  1914,  show,  cost  26 
billions  of  dollars,  men  employed  18,552,200,  men  killed 
5,498,097;  while  the  total  figures  for  this  one  world  war 
show,  cost  200  billions  of  dollars,  men  under  arms  nearly 
25,000,000,  men  killed,  more  than  7,000,000! 

During  the  dozen  years  preceding  this  war  the  leading 
nations  actually  spent  (and  taxed  the  people  to  raise)  nearly 
20  billions  of  dollars  for  building  naval  and  military  arma- 
ments and  forces  and  then  mortgaged  the  entire  human 
race  for  nearly  200  billions  of  dollars  which  has  been  spent 
during  one  four-year-long  mad  carnival  of  death  in  mutual 
attempts  to  destroy  the  armaments  and  forces  so  created. 

Those  are  the  horrid  and  terrifying  conditions  from 
which  the  peoples  are  attempting  to  escape  by  making  a 
repetition  of  such  bloody  orgies  impossible  and  titanic 
world-wide  preparation  for  such  criminal  death  carnivals 
unnecessary.  And  yet  their  assembled  statesmen  compos- 
ing the  General  Peace  Congress,  because  of  selfish  national 
ambitions,  envy  and  pride,  and  mutual  suspicions  and  dis- 
trust, seem  to  be  unwilling  to  provide  the  peoples  with  a 
genuine  Nation  of  Nations,  a  real  mutual  government  in 
which  all  peoples  would  be  represented,  that  could  and 
would  make  future  world  wars  impossible  and  the  main- 
tenance of  vast  competing  national  armaments  and  forces 
unnecessary.  Instead,  they  ofifer  the  stricken,  sorrowing 
and  pleading  peoples  only  a  dangerous,  impotent,  dis- 
credited international  alliance,  or  just  what  failed  to  pre- 
vent this  war  but  did  multiply  its  size  and  frightful  losses ; 
and  this  deceptive  and  futile  alliance  they  disguise  with  the 
stolen  garments  of  government,  a  so-called  constitution — 
and   camouflage   it   with   the    alluring   name   "League   of 

99 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

Nations.''     The  peoples  cry   for  the  bread   of  peace  and 
their  statesmen  give  them  only  a  stone  of  war! 

There  is  but  one  objection,  one  reason  why  they  do  not 
want  to  create  a  genuine  representative  international 
Nation  of  Nations.  They  fear  it.  Those  statesmen  who 
happen  for  the  moment  to  be  the  political  masters  of  the 
peoples  of  leading  countries  are  afraid  that  their  particular 
individual  country  might  not  be  able  single-handed  to  con- 
trol or  even  dominate  for  selfish  national  objects  a  regular 
international  government  in  which  all  countries  were  fairly 
and  permanently  represented,  an  impartial  and  honest 
Nation  of  Nations  representing  in  the  usual  organized 
form  the  moral  and  physical  power  and  will  of  the  various 
national  peoples  of  the  world,  that  was  obliged  to  strictly 
and  openly  follow  the  clear  and  definite  lines  prescribed  in 
its  written  constitution.  They  prefer  to  create  only  a  loose 
and  intangible  and  confusing  alliance  that  they  can  steer 
and  alter  to  serve  their  future  purposes,  or  abolish  alto- 
gether at  their  pleasure. 

They  do  not  oppose  a  Nation  of  Nations  with  a  strong 
mutual  police  power  because  it  would  not  prevent  future 
wars,  but  because  it  would  too  well  prevent  such  wars,  and 
therefore  might  completely  block  forever  all  chance  of  em- 
ploying national  armed  force  for  purposes  of  territorial 
and  trade  conquest.  Are  the  peoples  of  the  earth  going  to 
submit  to  being  robbed  of  their  right  to  have  for  the  pre- 
vention of  wars  a  common  governmental  organisation  in 
which  they  can  have  a  voice  on  the  supreme  question  of 
peace  and  zvar,  a  mutual  Nation  of  Nations? 

Does  Europe  want  more  war?  Its  insane  policy  of  alli- 
ances and  increasing  armaments  has  fastened  upon  its 
people  a  war  bondage  from  which  escape  seems  impossible. 
Can  it  not  at  least  rise  above  its  international  suspicions, 
envies  and  hatreds  long  enough  to  see  the  wisdom  of 
adopting  the  plan  that  will  prevent  more  wars  and  thus  re- 
move the  torture  of  fear  and  not  increase  the  sufferings  of 

100 


UNITED  STATES  IN   THE   WAR'^'  ■ 

its  peoples  while  they  stagger  along  tor  the  litxc  ceiittiry 
under  the  frightful  burdens  imposed  by  this  mad  conflict? 

The  United  States,  departing  from  its  life-long  tradi- 
tions, is  willing  and  ready  to  help  Europe  solve  this  prob- 
lem. It  offers  for  acceptance  the  only  possible  plan  that 
would  be  practicable.  Will  Europe  accept  or  reject  it?  If 
without  reason  or  justice  it  now  demands  a  mere  in- 
tangible alliance  and  refuses  to  join  with  the  United  States 
in  devising  and  adopting  some  genuinely  effective  plan  for 
preventing  another  world  war,  and  one  the  United  States 
considers  it  safe  to  join  in,  it  must  expect  to  have  to  fight 
the  next  war  alone.  If  Europe  makes  it  impossible  to  create 
a  just  and  impartial  Nation  of  Nations  for  the  protection 
of  the  whole  world,  then  the  United  States  should  and  no 
doubt  will,  promptly  withdraw  its  armies  from  Europe  and 
bring  about  the  formation  of  an  American  Nation  of  Na- 
tions for  the  protection  of  the  American  continent  exclu- 
sively. That  continent,  protected  by  oceans  and  a  Monroe 
Doctrine  navy  larger  than  other  navies,  then  would  be 
inclined  to  forever  refuse  to  join  in  outside  conflicts  and 
would  permit  the  nations  of  Europe  to  commit  suicide  by 
exterminating  themselves  and  their  civilization  with  the 
inevitable  future  wars  from  which  they  would  have  escaped 
if  their  mutual  jealousies  had  not  caused  them  to  reject 
America's  unselfish  aid  and  plan. 

Great  Britain  can  not  be  blaimed  for  now  desiring  to 
keep  a  navy  large  enough  to  make  her  empire  secure.  But 
if  by  helping  create  a  great  Joint  Navy  under  mutual  man- 
agement to  insure  safety,  justice  and  peace  for  all  countries, 
and  accomplish  general  disarmament,  she  can  obtain  equal 
or  better  security  for  much  less  cost,  on  what  legitimate 
grounds  could  England  object?  If  she  refuses  to  thus  co- 
operate at  this  grave  hour,  could  she  blame  others  for  sus- 
pecting that  she  really  intended  her  great  navy  to  be  a 
standing  silent  threat  for  perhaps  extorting  unfair  and  un- 
just trade  or  territorial  conquests  from  weaker  countries? 

101 


LEAGUE   -OF    NATIONS 


If  that  course  should  force  the  United  States  to  spend  a 
bilHon  a  year  on  naval  increase  and  prevent  reduction  of 
armaments  or  the  creation  of  a  genuine  means  for  pre- 
venting more  wars  will  it  not  tend  to  impair  the  splendid 
friendship  between  the  two  countries  so  happily  augmented 
by  common  effort,  sacrifice  and  comradeship  during  this 
war?  We  cannot  believe  England  intends  to  do  any  such 
thing. 

The  splendid  peoples  of  Canada,  Australia,  New  Zea- 
land, South  Africa,  Ireland,  Scotland,  Wales,  England  and 
the  United  States,  bound  together  by  common  language, 
ideas,  ideals,  sentiment,  and  aspirations  for  a  world  civili- 
zation extending  to  all  mankind  the  principles  and  policies 
of  justice,  equity,  civil  and  religious  liberty,  freedom,  intel- 
ligence and  human  happiness,  should  stand  together  and 
work  together  for  those  high  aims  forever.  It  would  be  a 
world  calamity,  almost  a  crime,  to  do  otherwise.  Why  then 
now  try  to  illegitimately  capitalize  our  delightful  and  wel- 
come new  Anglo-Saxon  friendship  by  trying  to  force  the 
people  of  the  United  States  into  the  very  kind  of  entang- 
ling foreign  alliance  against  which  they  have  been  warned 
by  all  their  great  leaders  and  statesmen  of  the  past,  and  thus 
precipitate  a  great  and  bitter  political  controversy  over  the 
matter  that  will  fail  of  its  object,  but  may  once  more 
estrange  these  great  English  speaking  peoples  and  make 
cordial  cooperation  for  their  common  aims  more  difficult,  if 
not  impossible  ?  Why  try  to  inflict  an  odious  world  alliance 
when  a  genuine  government  would  be  more  satisfactory 
and  successful? 

The  fate  of  nations,  peoples,  civilization  and  humanity 
may  depend  upon  a  decision  of  the  General  Peace  Con- 
gress as  to  whether  a  permanent  mutual  Nation  of  Nations 
shall  be  created.  What  nation  for  selfish  reasons  will  ob- 
struct the  movement  and  thereby  accept  responsibility  for 
all  the  resulting  consequences  of  a  failure  to  act  and  thus 
win  and  deserve  the  eternal  execrations  of  all  mankind? 


102 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS  CONSTITUTION. 

On  Friday,  February  14,  1919,  the  full  text  of  a  consti- 
tution for  a  League  of  Nations  was  read  before  the  General 
Peace  Congress,  at  Paris,  France,  by  Woodrow  Wilson, 
President  of  the  United  States.  It  was  a  memorable  occa- 
sion, to  which  President  Wilson's  striking  personality  and 
world  popularity  contributed  substantially.  It  was  a  vic- 
tory for  the  idea  and  the  ideal  rather  than  the  precise 
plan  presented.  The  document  has  not  yet  been  adopted, 
or  even  discussed,  by  the  General  Peace  Congress.  The 
draft  is  tentative  and  subject  to  amendment.  It  should  be 
radically  amended.  The  representatives  of  several  govern- 
ments gave  notice  that  they  would  propose  changes.  There- 
fore it  is  fair  to  assume  that  the  whole  question  is  before 
the  world  for  discussion  and  that  constructive  criticism  is 
expected  and  invited.  There  are  plenty  of  advocates  to 
praise  the  many  good  points,  so  we  must  address  ourselves 
to  the  more  disagreeable  task  of  pointing  out  the  bad  fea- 
tures so  they  may  be  corrected.  This  of  course  must  be 
done  without  prejudice  or  favoritism. 

Shall  there  be  any  League  of  Nations  at  all  ?  What  kind 
shall  it  be?  Shall  the  so-called  constitution  be  adopted  as 
it  now  reads?  Should  it  be  amended,  and  if  so,  in  what 
particulars?  Would  the  constitution  in  its  present  form 
create  a  League  of  Nations  that  legally  would  be  an  inter- 
national government,  or  only  a  mere  alliance?  What  would 
be  the  powers,  and  the  limitations,  of  such  a  League  ?  What 
effect  would  it  have  on  the  rights  and  powers  of  the  nations 
accepting  the  plan?  Could  any  nation  withdraw  from  the 
League  any  time?  If  all  nations  reserve  that  freedom, 
what  guarantee  is  there  that  the  League  would  be  strong 
or  permanent?  Would  a  League  of  the  kind  proposed  in 
said  document  abolish  wars,  or  would  it  involve  the 
member-nations  in  disputes  between  themselves  and  with 

m 


LEAGUE    OF    NATIONS 

nations  outside  and  cause  more  wars?  Would  nations  not 
admitted  form  a  rival  league  and  the  two  later  clash  in 
a  greater  world  war?  Would  armaments  be  abolished  or 
reduced,  or  would  resultant  uncertainty  cause  nations  to 
maintain,  and  even  increase,  armaments  and  forces  so  as 
to  be  prepared  for  possible  conflicts?  Is  the  proposed  plan 
logical,  legally  sound  and  practical,  or  is  it  a  mere  unsound 
experiment  or  gamble?  These  are  a  few  of  the  many 
questions  being  asked,  and  they  should  be  frankly  faced 
and  candidly  answered. 

The  first  step  in  pursuing  light  and  information  should 
be  a  critical  examination  of  the  ''Constitution"  for  a 
"League  of  Nations'*  now  before  the  General  Peace  Con- 
gress. And  readers  are  invited  to  compare  that  with  the 
plan  and  tentative  draft  of  a  Supreme  Constitution  for  a 
Nation  of  Nations  printed  in  the  Appendix  of  this  volume. 
The  Paris  draft  would  create  an  alliance.  The  alternative 
draft  in  the  Appendix  would  create  a  very  limited  and  sim- 
ple international  government.  To  facilitate  this  comparison 
and  contrast,  the  complete  Paris  document  is  printed  in 
full  in  this  chapter.  Frankly,  the  author  believes  the  League 
of  Nations  can  not  be  made  permanently  successful,  useful 
and  safe  unless  its  proposed  constitution  is  redrafted  or 
altered  by  amendments  that  would  change  its  legal  character 
from  an  alliance  to  a  government. 

One  absolutely  essential  change  necessary  to  that  end 
would  be  to  create  an  international  parliament,  congress, 
senate  or  other  genuine  legislative  body  in  which  all  orderly 
nations  or  peoples  would  be  permanently  represented  on 
an  agreed  fair  basis,  with  full  and  independent  responsibil- 
ity and  power  to  enact  all  international  laws  for  the  reg- 
ulation of  the  international  field  and  prescribe  proper  pen- 
alties for  violations  of  such  laws.  This  could  be  done  per- 
haps by  making  the  ''body  of  delegates"  an  independent 
legislative  body  with  such  authority,  instead  of  the  mere 
irresponsible  conference  of  diplomatic  agents  with  no  leg- 
islative power  or  independent  responsibility,  as  it  is  now. 

104 


LEAGUE _  OF  NATIONS  CONSTITUTION 

And  it  is  equally  necessary  that  a  genuine  permanent 
General  Supreme  Court  be  created  with  full  and  exclusive 
authority  to  construe  and  administer  international  laws  so 
that  the  family  of  nations  hereafter  may  be  ruled  by  law 
instead  of  force  and  the  civilized  processes  of  orderly  justice 
be  permanently  established  in  the  international  domain  as 
well  as  within  national  territories.  And  the  League  should 
have  a  regular  President,  elected  by  the  legislative  body,  as 
chief  executive,  acting  under  the  guidance  or  direction  of 
the  Executive  Council.  The  League  of  Nations  then  would 
be  a  real  representative  government  with  full  treaty-making 
power,  entitled  to  perpetual  existence,  voicing  in  tangible 
but  well  regulated  form  the  combined  will  of  all  the  peoples 
of  the  world  effectively  federated  for  the  sole  purpose  of 
freeing  mankind  from  the  menace  of  international  wars.  The 
carefully  prepared  constitution  of  such  a  Nation  of  Nations 
would  grant  to  it  exclusive  control  of  the  high  seas  and 
everything  outside  of  national  boundaries  and  should  pro- 
hibit interference  in  the  domestic  affairs  of  any  country. 
Then,  indeed,  it  would  be  a  great  super-Magna  Charta, 
establishing  world  freedom  and  happiness  by  emancipating 
the  human  race  from  war  bondage  forever.  That  dream 
and  hope  of  all  the  ages  is  now  easily  attainable  if  present 
governments  will  modify  their  national  selfishness  even 
slightly,  and  their  official  representatives  in  the  General 
Peace  Congress  possess  the  wisdom  and  courage  to  do  the 
logical  and  wise  thing  by  creating  a  sound,  modern,  repre- 
sentative government  instead  of  an  unsound  treaty  alliance 
or  entente  to  regulate  the  international  domain  for  the 
impartial  benefit  of  all  nations  and  peoples. 

LEAGUE  "CONSTITUTION"  ANALYZED. 

The  following  is  a  full  draft  of  the  Constitution  now 
before  the  General  Peace  Congress,  its  twenty-six  articles 
being  printed  in  italics,  each  article  being  followed  by 
author's  comments  in  brackets : 

105 


LEAGUE    OF    NATIONS 

PREAMBLE  OF  THE  COVENANT.    , 

In  order  to  promote  international  co-operation  and  to 
secure  international  peace  and  security  by  the  acceptance 
of  obligations  not  to  resort  to  war,  by  the  prescription  of 
open,  just  and  honorable  relations  between  nations,  by  the 
arm  establishment ^  of  the  understandings  of  international 
law  as  the  actual  rule  of  conduct  am^ong  Governments,  and 
by  the  maintenance  of  justice  and  scrupulous  respect  for  all 
treaty  obligatio?is  in  the  dealings  of  organised  peoples  with 
one  another,  the  powers  signatory  to  this  covenant  adopt 
this  Constitution  of  the  League  of  Nations. 

[The  high  objects  stated  are  commendable  and  patriotic. 
Alliances  never  have  constitutions  but  political  governments 
always  do,  or  should.  As  the  provisions  of  the  document 
in  no  legal  respect  create  a  government  of  any  kind  but  do 
create  an  ordinary  treaty  alliance  or  entente  between  the 
signatory  nations,  it  is  an  error  to  call  it  a  "Constitution." 
In  fact,  is  it  not  a  betrayal  of  the  confidence  of  the  anxiously 
waiting  peoples  of  the  world  to  falsely  call  the  document  a 
constitution  and  thus  cause  them  to  believe  they  are  getting 
the  well-known  security  afforded  by  a  regular  modern  rep- 
resentataive  government  when  in  truth  they  are  getting 
only  the  insecurity  of  a  mere  common  treaty  alliance?  Is 
it  just  frank  and  fair  to  disguise  or  camouflage  such  an 
alliance  with  the  improper,  misleading  but  enticing  name, 
**League  of  Nations,"  and  then  not  openly  admit  to  all  the 
world  that  legally  the  organization  created  is  an  entangling 
alliance  and  nothing  else  ?  In  all  honesty  and  honor,  should 
not  the  League  be  legally  changed  from  an  alliance  to  a 
government,  or  else  call  its  agreement  a  treaty  instead  of 
a  constitution  ?  Legally,  it  is  absolutely  nothing  but  a  mere 
ordinary  treaty  agreement  between  the  signatory  powers, 
that  may  easily  become  a  '*mere  scrap  of  paper"  or  legally 
cease  to  exist  any  time  signatory  countries  care  to  give 
notice  of  cancellation. 

President  Wilson  says  it  is  understood  that  any  country 
can  withdraw  from  the  League  and  terminate  its  obliga- 

106 


LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS  CONSTITUTION 

tion  any  time.  If  that  be  true,  then  the  League  would  have 
no  certain  permanency,  power  or  influence  and  would  be 
useless  and  ineffective,  because  no  nation  could  safely  de- 
pend upon  its  protection  and  no  lawless  nation  would  fear 
its  spineless  streng^th  and  toothless  jaws.  And  then,  when 
one  of  several  parties  to  a  general  treaty  agreement  that 
prescribes  mutual  duties  and  obligations  suddenly  with- 
draws from  the  combination  does  not  that  morally  and 
legally  release  the  other  parties  to  the  agreement  instantly 
and  automatically?  If  so,  then  any  one  of  forty  member- 
nations  in  the  League  of  Nations,  big  or  little,  would  pos- 
sess the  absolute  power  to  legally  wipe  out,  extinguish  and 
destroy  the  entire  League  any  time  by  simply  withdrawing 
from  membership  therein.  Would  any  such  loose  alliance 
have  deterred  Germany  from  starting  the  world  war?  Will 
it  stop  any  other  strong  country  when  it  is  prepared  and 
the  inevitable  temptation  comes?  Why  did  not  the  Entente 
alliance  prevent  the  world  war? 

The  only  thing  that  deters  crime  is  a  police  power  that 
is  strong,  efficient,  centralized,  organized  and  ready  to  strike 
suddenly  and  powerfully  if  necessary.  ,  That  is  why  there 
should  be  one  central  police  power  under  one  mutual  man- 
agement instead  of  forty  scattered  national  forces  under 
forty  conflicting  managements.  It  is,  however,  more  im- 
portant to  have  the  creation  of  an  international  police 
power  authorized  than  it  is  to  actually  create  it  now.  There 
is  little  danger  of  another  such  world  war  for  many  years, 
because  the  nations  are  so  nearly  bankrupt.  But  this  is  the 
opportunity  and  time  to  devise  and  adopt  a  thorough-going 
plan  and  system  that  will  shape  things  so  that  another 
world  war  will  be  impossible  even  in  the  distant  future. 
If  it  is  not  accomplished  now  it  may  never  be  done;  indi- 
vidual nations  will  now  restrain  their  selfish  ambitions  and 
co-operate  in  building  a  common  agency  for  their  common 
protection,  if  they  ever  will,  and  the  peoples  of  the  world 
demand  it  strongly.  The  nations  are  all  in  a  bad  way 
financially,  industrially  and  commercially.    They  must  have 

107 


LEAGUE    OF    NATIONS 

help,  and  security  against  war  until  they  repair  their  for- 
tunes and  forces.  Some  of  them  no  doubt  prefer  an  alliance 
that  is  a  temporary  expedient  which  they  can  control,  or 
abolish  when  once  more  they  are  strong  and  ready  to  give 
full  rein  to  selfish  aims  and  ambitions.  But  that  is  not 
what  the  peoples  of  the  earth  need  and  want.  They  want 
something  tangible,  strong  and  permanent  to  stand  as  a 
mighty  barrier  against  recurring  wars  and  unjust,  selfish 
national  aims  and  ambitions ;  something  political  govern- 
ments can  not  destroy  without  the  consent  of  the  peoples 
of  the  earth.  Nothing  but  government,  a  mutual  Nation 
of  Nations,  can  thus  endure  and  safeguard  the  liberties 
and  peace  of  all  mankind. 

A  word  of  solemn  warning!  Candor  requires  the  state- 
ment that  the  character  and  contents  of  the  document  pre- 
pared at  Paris  creates  the  firm  conviction  that  some  power- 
ful nation  or  nations  are  more  determined  and  bent  on 
creating  something  they  can  control  and  ultimately  use  for 
their  selfish  national  interests,  or  destroy  when  ready,  than 
they  are  on  unselfishly  creating  something  that  would  im- 
partially protect  the  peoples  of  the  world  against  the  danger 
of  future  wars,  and  would  permanently  operate  without 
special  favor  to,  or  discriminating  against,  any  nation. 
Unless  the  plain  people  behind  their  political  governments 
get  busy  and  demand  a  real  international  government,  a 
Nation  of  Nations,  they  may  be  robbed  of  their  only  chance 
of  obtaining  genuine  protection  against  the  danger  of  more 
world  wars.] 

ARTICLE  I. 

The  action  of  the  high  contracting  parties  under  the  terms 
of  this  covenant  shall  he  effected  through  the  instrumental- 
ity of  a  meeting  of  a  body  of  delegates  representing  the 
high  contracting  parties,  of  meetings  at  more  frequent  inter- 
vals of  an  Executive  Council  and  of  a  permanent  Interna- 
tional Secretariat  to  he  established  at  the  seat  of  the  League. 

[The  "Body  of  Delegates/'  the  "Executive  Council"  and 
"Secretariat"  (secretary)  are  the  only  agencies  here  author- 

108 


LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS  CONSTITUTION 

ized  to  act.  What  they  do  is  not  their  action  or  that  of  the 
League.  These  agencies,  together  or  separately,  or  the 
League  as  a  whole,  have  no  independent  judgment,  author- 
ity or  power.  Everything  done  must  be  expressly  author- 
ized or  approved  by  the  nations  in  the  League.  It  is  ''the 
action  of  the  high  contracting  parties,"  the  individual  nations 
as  such,  and  not  the  League  as  an  organization,  that  is 
taken,  according  to  Article  1,  and  therefore  not  effective 
until  expressly  authorized  or  ratified  by  such  nations;  and 
it  is  restricted  to  only  the  things  coming  "under  the  terms 
of  this  covenant"  (agreement). 

The  ''delegates"  are  mere  diplomatic  agents  in  the  employ 
and  pay,  and  under  the  direction,  of  the  governments  send- 
ing them,  and  must  follow  instructions.  They  are  not  "rep- 
resentatives" of  nations  or  peoples  who,  when  they  come 
together,  comprise  an  independent  body  or  congress  with 
jurisdiction  over  certain  prescribed  matters  and  with  full 
authority  to  act  in  regard  thereto.  In  fact,  Article  6  ex- 
pressly says  these  "representatives  of  the  high  contracting 
parties  (governments)  shall  enjoy  diplomatic  privileges 
and  immunities." 

It  is  merely  a  conference  of  ambassadors  or  agents  of 
the  various  governments  who  come  together  for  conven- 
ience to  confer  and  act  for  their  respective  governments  in 
certain  matters  as  the  Foreign  Offices  of  such  governments 
may  order.  This  conference  is  to  be  called  "League  of 
Nations."  Is  it  morally  or  legally  entitled  to  that  name? 
We  shall  soon  see.  It  differs  little,  if  any,  legally  from 
the  Hague  Conferences  that  were  useful  but  powerless  as 
a  means  for  preventing  war.] 

ARTICLE  II. 

Meetings  of  the  body  of  delegates  shall  be  held  at  stated 
intervals  and  from  time  to  time,  as  occasion  may  require, 
for  the  purpose  of  dealing  zvith  matters  within  the  sphere 
of  action  of  the  League.  Meetings  of  the  body  of  dele- 
gates  shall  be  held  at  the  seat  of  the  League  or  at  such 

109 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

other  place  as  may  be  found  convenient,  and  shall  consist 
of  representatives  of  high  contracting  parties.  Each  of 
the  high  contracting  parties  shall  have  one  vote,  but  may 
have  not  more  than  three  representatives. 

[In  the  meetings  of  the  "body  of  delegates,"  who  acts? 
It  is  the  national  governments  that  act,  and  not  the  dele- 
gates, for  Article  II  says :  "Each  of  the  high  contracting 
parties  (governments)  shall  have  one  vote,  but  shall  have 
not  more  than  three  representatives/*  Clearly  it  is  the 
governments  themselves  that  vote,  each  acting  by  its  own 
"delegate"  agent.  They  are  named  "delegates"  and  not 
"representatives"  because  they  are  mere  agents  of  the  gov- 
ernments, and  not  representatives  of  the  peoples,  with  an 
independent  judgment  and  responsibility  for  action  taken. 

The  "body  of  delegates"  is  not  a  parliament,  senate,  con- 
gress or  other  legislative  body.  It  has  no  independent 
authority  or  power  to  decide  or  do  anything.  It  is  only 
a  conference  to  discuss  certain  matters.  The  whole  decision 
on  everything  is  made  by  the  individual  governments  by 
means  of  instructions  to  their  "delegates"  as  to  how  to  act 
and  vote  or  by  subsequent  ratification  or  approval  of  the 
resolutions  tentatively  passed  by  their  agent  "delegates"  in 
their  "meetings." 

The  League  of  Nations,  then,  would  be  only  an  alliance 
or  entente  between  governments  bound  together  by  a  mere 
treaty  agreement  that  would  be  nothing  but  a  rope  of  sand, 
and  not  even  a  "scrap  of  paper,"  if  it  is  true,  as  President 
Wilson  said,  that  any  nation  in  the  League  was  at  liberty 
to  withdraw  any  time,  (^diers,  however,  claim  that  the 
treaty  certainly  binds  a  nation  morally  to  stay  in  and  take 
its  chances  with  the  others,  and  they  believe  the  obliga- 
tion is  also  a  legal  one.  And  they  hold  that  withdrawals, 
or  threats  of  withdrawals,  because  of  difference  ultimately 
would  cause  quarrels  between  governments  in  the  League 
that  would  wreck  the  organization  and  probably  cause  war 
between  its  members.  Italy  was  in  a  League  of  Nations 
with  Germany  and  Austria,  the  Triple  Alliance.     It  had 

110 


LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS  CONSTITUTION 

the  legal,  and  it  claims  moral,  right  to  withdraw,  but  when 
it  exercised  that  right  it  was  immediately  plunged  into 
war  with  its  former  allies.  It  is  easier  to  get  into  an  inter- 
national alliance  than  to  get  out  of  it.  An  alliance  is  a 
good  thing  to  create  for  the  purpose  of  waging  common 
war  against  a  common  enemy,  but  history  proves  that  it  is 
not  the  instrumentality  for  successfully  preventing  wars. 
The  fact  that  the  terms  of  the  proposed  League  of 
Nations  treaty  of  alliance  between  governments  are  to  be 
carried  out  by  a  conference  (called  ''body  of  delegates''), 
or  an  ''Executive  Council,"  of  special  diplomatic  agents 
instead  of  through  the  regular  diplomatic  ambassadors  sta- 
tioned at  the  various  national  capitals,  makes  no  difiference, 
because  in  both  cases  everything  is  done  under  direct  orders 
from  the  Foreign  Offices  of  the  different  governments. 
The  new  plan  may  increase  convenience  and  facilitate 
action,  but  in  no  legal  respect  does  it  change  the  nature 
of  the  proceedings  or  the  character  of  the  combination.  In 
either  case  the  thing  is  simply  an  ordinary  "entangling 
alliance,"  whether  it  be  named  Entente,  Triple  Alliance  or 
League  of  Nations.] 

ARTICLE  III. 

The  Executive  Council  shall  consist  of  representatives 
of  the  United  States  of  America,  the  British  Empire, 
France,  Italy  and  Japan,  together  ivith  representatives  of 
four  other  states  members  of  the  League.  The  selection 
of  these  four  states  shall  be  made  by  the  body  of  delegates 
on  such  principles  and  in  such  manner  as  they  think  Hi. 
Pending  the  appointment  of  these  representatives  of  the 
other  states,  representatives  of  (blank  for  names)  shall  be 
members  of  the  Executive  Council. 

Meetings  of  the  council  shall  be  held  from  time  to  time 
as  occasion  may  require,  and  at  least  once  a  year,  at  what- 
ever place  may  be  decided  on,  or,  failing  any  such  decision, 
at  the  seat  of  the  League ;  and  any  matter  imthin  the  sphere 
of  action  of  the  League  or  affecting  the  peace  of  the  world 
may  be  dealt  with  at  such  meetings. 

Ill 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

Imitations  shall  be  sent  to  any  power  to  attend  a  meeting 
of  the  council  at  which  matters  directly  affecting  its  inter- 
ests are  to  he  discussed,  and  no  decision  taken  at  any  meet- 
ing will  be  binding  on  such  power  unless  so  invited. 

[What  would  be  the  power  of  the  Executive  Council? 
What  power  would  it  not  have,  under  the  express  grant 
to  it  by  every  nation  ratifying  the  treaty  and  becoming  a 
member  of  the  League  of  Nations?  Under  Article  III 
the  Executive  Council  of  nine  persons  would  have  full  and 
absolute  power  and  authority  as  to  "any  matter  within  the 
sphere  of  action  of  the  League  or  affecting  the  peace  of 
the  world  may  be  dealt  with  at  such  meetings."  Who  is 
to  be  the  judge  as  to  what  is  "within  the  sphere  of  action 
of  the  League"?  Who  is  to  decide  whether  anything  a 
majority  of  the  nine  men  might  desire  to  meddle  in  was 
or  was  not  a  thing  "affecting  the  peace  of  the  world"? 
Clearly  the  Executive  Council  of  nine  men,  who  are  granted 
by  this  treaty  the  power  to  absolutely  rule  the  whole  world 
for  the  benefit  of  their  own  governments,  would  be  the 
sole  judge,  and  from  its  decision  there  would  be  no  appeal, 
however  wrong,  unjust  and  dangerous  the  action  taken 
might  be.  No  Supreme  Court  to  pass  upon  such  matters 
and  administer  international  justice  is  proposed  anywhere 
in  this  constitution.  The  Supreme  Council  is  made  judge, 
jury  and  executioner.  It  could,  under  this  broad  grant, 
interfere  in  the  domestic  affairs  of  any  country.  What 
could  it  not  do?  The  words  "may  be  dealt  with"  would 
seem  to  grant  power  to  do  absolutely  anything  in  case 
action  was  decided  upon,  and  one  can  think  of  a  thousand 
things  that  ought  not  to  be  done  that  might  be  done  under 
such  a  wide  open  grant.  Is  there  not  danger  of  such  a 
treaty  creating  a  more  irresponsible  autocracy  than  the  one 
recently  destroyed  by  war?  Might  it  not  become  an  irre- 
sponsible World  Trust  to  rule  the  people  of  the  whole 
earth?  In  his  speech  before  the  Economic  Club  in  New 
York  on  March  11,  1919,  former  President  Taft  said: 
"The  whole  function  of  the  Executive  Council  is  to  be 

112 


LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS  CONSTITUTION 

the  medium  through  which  the  league  members  (govern- 
ments) are  to  exchange  views,  the  advisory  board  to  con- 
sider all  matters  arising  in  the  field  of  the  league's  possible 
action  and  to  advise  the  members  (governments)  as  to 
what  they  ought  by  joint  action  to  do.  The  council  makes 
few,  if  any,  orders  binding  on  the  members  of  the  league." 

In  order  to  persuade  the  people  of  the  United  States 
that  the  League  of  Nations  would  not  be  dangerous  he 
attempts  to  prove  that  it  would  have  no  power  whatever 
to  do  anything;  that  it  would  be  impotent  and  useless; 
that  what  Admiral  Mayo  said  of  it  is  true,  namely: 

*'This  idea  is  rapidly  getting  down  to  a  sewing  circle, 
with  no  means  of  enforcement  and  with  no  international 
police  force." 

Taft  calls  it  ''exchanging  views"  between  a  lot  of  diplo- 
matic agents,  while  Mayo  calls  it  "gossiping"  about  their 
neighbor  nations. 

Taft,  in  that  speech,  quoted  from  the  speech  of  Senator 
Philander  C.  Knox,  who  was  Secretary  of  State  when 
Taft  was  President  and  who  is  one  of  America's  ablest 
constitutional  lawyers,  as  follows : 

"If  any  of  the  high  contracting  parties  breaks  its  cove- 
nant under  article  XII,  then  we  must  fly  to  arms  to  pro- 
tect the  covenants.  Whether  or  not  we  participate,  and 
the  amount  of  our  participation  in  belligerent  operations 
is  determined  not  by  ourselves  but  by  the  Executive  Coun- 
cil in  which  we  have,  seemingly,  at  most  but  one  voice  out 
of  nine — no  matter  what  we  think  of  the  controversy,  no 
matter  how  we  view  the  wisdom  of  a  war  over  the  cause 
— we  are  bound  to  go  to  war  when  and  in  the  manner  the 
Executive  Council  determines." 

Here  we  have  two  statesmen  and  great  lawyers  taking 
absolutely  opposite  views  of  the  legal  meaning  and  effect 
of  the  language  of  a  treaty  constitution  the  American  peo- 
ple are  asked  to  adopt  as  the  basis  contract  of  an  entangling 
alliance  between   us   and   all    foreign   nations.     Taft    says 

113 


LEAGUE    OF    NATIONS 

it  binds  us  to  nothing,  Knox,  that  it  binds  us  to  every- 
thing. Taft  argues  that  the  League  would  be  harmless, 
while  Knox  says  it  would  be  very  dangerous.  With  such 
a  chance  for  honest  difference  of  opinion  over  the  powers 
and  duties  of  nations  joining  the  League,  is  it  not  likely 
the  other  eight  of  the  nine  members  of  the  Executive 
Council  would  construe  the  document  to  favor  their  own 
governments  whenever  the  interest  of  those  foreign  nations 
conflicts  with  the  interest  of  the  United  States,  say,  as  to 
the  Monroe  Doctrine  otherwise? 

When  two  good  doctors  disagree  as  to  whether  the 
medicine  is  harmless  or  is  poison  that  will  kill,  the  patient 
better  not  take  the  dose.] 

ARTICLE  IV. 

All  matters  of  procedure  at  meetings  of  the  body  of 
delegates  or  the  Executive  Council,  including  the  appoint- 
ment of  committees  to  investigate  particular  matters,  shall 
he  regulated  by  the  body  of  delegates  or  the  Executive 
Council  and  may  be  decided  by  a  majority  of  the  states 
represented  at  the  meeting. 

The  first  meeting  of  the  body  of  delegates  and  of  the 
Executive  Council  shall  be  summoned  by  the  President  of 
the  United  States  of  America, 

ARTICLE  V. 

The  permanent  secretariat  of  the  League  shall  be  estab- 
lished at  ,  which  shall  constitute  the  seat  of  the 

League.  The  secretariat  shall  comprise  such  secretaries  and 
staff  as  may  be  required  under  the  general  direction  and 
control  of  a  Secretary  General  of  the  League,  who  shall  be 
chosen  by  the  Executive  Council;  the  secretariat  shall  be 
appointed  by  the  Secretary  General,  subject  to  confirma- 
tion by  the  Executive  Council. 

The  Secretary  General  shall  act  in  that  capacity  at  all 
meetings  of  the  body  of  delegates  or  of  the  Executive 
Council. 

The  expenses  of  the  secretariat  shall  be  borne  by  the 

114 


LEAGUE  OF   NATIONS  CONSTITUTION 

states  members  of  the  League  in  accordance  zvith  the  appor- 
tionment of  the  expenses  of  the  International  Bureau  of 
the  Universal  Postal  Union. 

ARTICLE  VI. 

Representatives  of  the  high  contracting  parties  and  of- 
ficials of  the  League  when  engaged  in  the  business  of  the 
League  shall  enjoy  diplomatic  privileges  and  immunities, 
and  the  buildings  occupied  by  the  League  or  its  officials  or 
by  representatives  attending  its  meetings  shall  enjoy  the 
benefits  of  extra-territoriality, 

ARTICLE  VIL 

Admission  to  the  League  of  states  not  signatories  to  the 
covenant  and  not  named  in  the  protocol  hereto  as  states 
to  be  invited  to  adhere  to  the  covenant  requires  the  assent 
of  not  less  than  two-thirds  of  the  states  represented  in  the 
body  of  delegates,  and  shall  be  limited  to  fully  self-govern- 
ing countries,  including  dominions  and  colonies. 

No  state  shall  be  admitted  to  the  League  unless  it  is  able 
to  give  effective  guarantees  of  its  sincere  intention  to 
observe  its  international  obligations,  and  unless  it  shall  con- 
form to  such  principles  as  mcy  be  proscribed  by  the  League 
in  regard  to  its  naval  and  military  forces  and  armaments. 

[Membership  in  the  League  ''shall  be  limited  to  fully 
self-governing  countries,  including  dominions  and  colonies." 
There  would  be  little  if  any  objection  to  permitting  Canada, 
Australia,  South  Africa,  India  and  the  several  other  British 
"self-governing"  dominions  and  colonies  to  be  directly  and 
independently  represented,  with  voice  and  vote,  in  a  gen- 
uine representative  government  or  international  Nation  of 
Nations.  That  is  because  in  such  a  government  the  repre- 
sentation would  be  of,  by,  and  for  the  peoples  of  such 
dominions  and  colonies,  whose  duly  chosen  representatives 
would  have  independent  responsibility,  authority  and  judg- 
ment to  decide  and  act  for  the  peoples  they  represent. 
They  would  not  be  mere  human  automatons  mechanically 

115 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

acting  only  when  and  as  their  political  governments  pull  the 
directing  strings. 

But  if  the  League  of  Nations  is  to  be  an  alliance,  and 
delegates  are  to  be  mere  diplomatic  agents  of  the  Foreign 
Offices,  representing  political  governments  and  not  peoples, 
that  is  different.  British  dominions  and  colonies  have  no 
Foreign  Offices  and  no  legal  right  or  power  to  act  inde- 
pendently of  Great  Britain  in  international  relations  by 
making  treaties.  They  must  all  act  through  the  British 
Foreign  Office  and  as  it  dictates.  Therefore,  in  such  cir- 
cumstances, is  not  the  allowing  of  representation  by  ''domin- 
ions and  colonies"  in  the  ''body  of  delegates,"  where  each 
nation,  dominion  or  colony,  big  or  little,  has  but  one  vote, 
a  rather  clever  device  for  giving  Great  Britain  five  or  ten 
times  as  much  voting  strength  and  legal  power  as  that 
possessed  by  the  United  States,  France  or  any  other 
country?  In  effect  it  would  give  Great  Britain  more  legal 
strength  and  voting  power  in  the  body  of  delegates  than 
the  United  States,  France,  Italy,  Japan  and  several  other 
countries  all  combined.  Why  this  British  world  rule? 
What  is  there  to  justify  or  explain  such  national  discrim- 
ination?] 

ARTICLE  VIII. 

The  high  contracting  parties  recognize  the  principle  that 
the  maintenance  of  peace  will  require  the  reduction  of 
national  armaments  to  the  lowest  point  consistent  with 
national  safety,  and  the  enforcement  by  common  action  of 
international  obligations,  having  special  regard  to  the  geo- 
graphical situation  and  circumstances  of  each  state;  and 
the  Executive  Council  shall  formulate  plans  for  effecting 
such  reduction. 

The  Executive  Council  shall  also  determine  for  the  con- 
sideration and  action  of  the  several  governments  what  mili- 
tary equipment  and  armament  is  fair  and  reasonable  in 
proportion  to  the  scale  of  forces  laid  doivn  in  the  pro- 
gramme of  disarmament ;  and  these  limits,  zvhen  adopted, 

116 


LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS  CONSTITUTION 

shall  not  be  exceeded  unthout  the  permission  of  the  Execu- 
tive Council. 

The  high  contracting  parties  agree  that  the  manufacture 
by  private  enterprise  of  munitions  and  implements  of  war 
lends  itself  to  grave  objections,  and  direct  the  Executive 
Council  to  advise  how  the  evil  effects  attendant  upon  such 
manufacture  can  be  prevented,  due  regard  being  had  to 
the  necessities  of  those  countries  which  are  not  able  to 
manufacture  for  themselves  the  munitions  and  implements 
of  war  necessary  for  their  safety. 

The  high  contracting  parties  undertake  in  no  way  to  con- 
ceal from  each  other  the  condition  of  such  of  their  indus- 
tries as  are  capable  of  being  adapted  to  warlike  purposes 
or  the  scale  of  their  armaments,  and  agree  that  there  shall 
be  full  and  frank  interchange  of  information  as  to  their 
military  and  naval  programmes. 

[This  is  a  declaration  of  the  "principle"  of,  and  a  pious 
hope  for,  reduction  of  armaments,  the  same  as  the  Hague 
Conferences  have  been  solemnly  voicing,  led  by  the  Czar 
of  Russia,  for  many  long  years ;  but  it  is  no  plan  for  accom- 
plishing disarmament  or  even  an  agreement  to  mutually 
reduce  armaments.  It  is  a  mere  promise  to  study  the  ques- 
tion and  see  if  some  way  of  accomplishing  reduction 
can  be  found.  It  is  a  good  thing  to  study,  no  doubt,  but 
there  is  nothing  definite  about  the  proposal  and  no  cer- 
tainty of  anything  tangible  resulting.  It  is  a  pity  that 
the  chief  motive  is  not  so  much  to  find  a  sure  way  of  pre- 
venting future  wars  as  to  lighten  the  financial  load  until 
nations  can  recover  from  the  staggering  results  of  the 
world  war. 

The  Executive  Council  shall  "determine,"  but  only  "for 
the  consideration  and  action  of  the  several  governments," 
just  "what  military  equipment  and  armament  is  fair  and 
reasonable  in  proportion  to  the  scale  of  forces  laid  down 
in  the  programme  of  disarmament;  and  these  limits  when 
adopted,  shall  not  be  exceeded,  without  the  permission  of 
the   Executive   Council."     That   sounds   fine,   and   encour- 

117 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

aging,  but  means  nothing,  because  they  have  not  yet  dis- 
armed, or  agreed  to  do  so,  or  formed  any  plan  or  sug- 
gestion as  to  how  it  can  be  done ;  and  the  nations  that  are 
to  consider  and  act  may  refuse  to  do  so  or  be  unable  to 
agree.  And  one  nation  can  not,  and  will  not,  reduce  arma- 
ments unless  all  do  it.  Therefore  the  language  used  may 
kindle  unjustifiable  hopes  and  expectations. 

It  is  as  intangible  as  the  reply  of  the  hopeful  boy  to 
an  inquiry  as  to  how  many  fish  he  had  caught:  ''If  I  catch 
the  one  I  am  after  and  five  more  I'll  have  a  half  dozen !" 

Contrast  the  above  proposed  vague  and  unpromising 
course  of  a  League  alliance  with  the  specific  and  practical 
plan  for  accomplishing  general  reduction  of  armaments 
that  would  be  followed  by  a  Nation  of  Nations  under  the 
Constitution  printed  in  the  Appendix.  It  is  provided  in 
such  constitution  that  each  nation  shall  at  once  perma- 
nently turn  over  to  the  Nation  of  Nations  at  least  half 
of  its  naval  and  other  armaments  and  thereafter  never 
increase  its  national  armaments  or  forces  without  the  coh- 
sent  of  the  mutual  Nation  of  Nations.  That  would  imme- 
diately accomplish  prompt,  general  and  concerted  reduc- 
tion of  armaments  and  burdens  one-half,  in  the  only  way 
practical  or  possible,  because  it  does  not  change  the  com- 
parative strength  of  the  various  countries.  How  else  can 
the  necessary  reduction  of  armaments  and  prevention  of 
rearmament  be  accomplished  ?  Does  it  not  need  something 
stronger,  more  tangible  and  permanent  than  a  mere  alliance 
treaty,  to  enforce  the  reduction  agreed  upon  and  prevent 
rearmament  during  the  next  hundred  years?  The  machin- 
ery and  power  of  a  mutual  international  government  will 
be  needed  for  that  purpose  if  for  nothing  else. 

The  only  other  suggested  plan  for  reducing  armaments 
so  far  made  is,  that  the  $200,000,000.00  worth  of  surren- 
dered German  warships  be  sunk  in  the  ocean,  because, 
otherwise,  the  Allies  might  get  into  a  fight  among  them- 
selves over  a  division  of  the  spoils!     If  they  would  quarrel 

118 


LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS  CONSTITUTION 

over  that,  are  they  not  likely  to  also  dispute,  quarrel  and 
perhaps  fight  over  some  of  the  very  many  complex  and 
dangerous  problems  certain  to  arise  within  the  League,  or 
over  the  meaning  of  the  many  obscure,  confusing,  indefi- 
nite and  perplexing  provisions  of  its  "constitution"? 

Why  junk  and  destroy  a  billion  dollars'  worth  of  good 
naval  vessels  and  armaments  that  have  been  paid  for  by 
taxation  of  the  peoples,  when  they  may  be  needed  and 
could  be  safely  and  effectively  used  to  permanently  insure 
the  security  of  all  peoples  and  the  future  peace  of  the  world 
if  merged  into  one  great  central  police  power  of  a  benefi- 
cent Nation  of  Nations  in  which  all  orderly  countries  were 
fairly  represented  and  have  a  voice  ?  And  the  German  war- 
ships should  be  used  for  the  same  purpose. 

Such  a  police  power  can  now  be  created  practically  with- 
out expense  to  anybody,  and  the  reduction  of  national 
armaments  it  could  achieve  would  greatly  reduce  the  yearly 
tax  burdens  imposed  upon  the  aching  backs  of  all  the  peo- 
ples. Sometime  there  must  be,  and  will  be,  one  strong 
central  police  power  to  protect  the  family  of  nations 
against  war.  And  the  peoples  will  be  again  taxed  to  create 
it,  unless  we  now  have  the  wisdom  to  use  for  that  purpose 
the  millions  upon  millions  of  dollars  of  good  naval  vessels 
and  armaments  that  will  be  rendered  available  by  any 
material  reduction  of  national  armaments  and  forces.  Is 
there  any  sound,  practical  or  legitimate  basis  on  which 
any  honest  nation  can  found  an  objection  to  such  a  definite 
and  logical  course? 

The  language  about  limiting  the  manufacture  of  muni- 
tions and  war  armaments  and  supplies  sounds  fine.  But  is 
the  scheme  logical  or  practical?  Is  it  not  opening  the  door 
wide,  to  permit  foreign  governments  to  have  the  right 
and  power,  under  express  treaty  grant,  to  continuously 
pry  into  and  vexatiously  meddle  in  and  even  dictate,  as  to 
the  purely  domestic  afYairs  of  our  country?  Munitions  and 
such  things  will  not  be  manufactured  and  sold  when  it  is 

119 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

fixed  so  that  they  can  not  be  used  in  war.  The  thing  to 
do  is  to  make  it  impossible  to  wage  war  in  the  international 
world.  Then  there  will  be  no  munitions  ordered  or  made. 
Instead  of  striking  at  the  root  of  the  deadly  upas  war  tree, 
the  alliance  scheme  is  designed  only  to  cut  off  a  few  of 
its  malignant,  wide-spreading  branches.] 

ARTICLE  IX. 

A  permanent  commission  shall  he  constituted  to  advise 
the  League  on  the  execution  of  the  provisions  of  Article 
Eight  and  on  military  and  naval  questions  generally. 

ARTICLE  X. 

The  high  contracting  parties  undertake  to  respect  and 
preserve  as  against  external  aggression  the  territorial  integ- 
rity and  existing  political  independence  of  all  states  mem- 
bers of  the  League.  In  case  of  any  such  aggression  or  in 
case  of  any  threat  or  danger  of  such  aggression  the  Execu- 
tive Council  shall  advise  upon  the  means  by  which  the 
obligation  shall  be  fulfilled. 

[Here  is  somethnig  definite.  It  is  a  plain,  unequivocal, 
morally  and  legally  binding  treaty  agreement  and  obliga- 
tion. The  nation  ratifying  that  must  perform — or  repu- 
diate its  agreement  of  honor  and  perhaps  have  to  fight  for 
doing  it.  The  United  States  has  no  desire  or  intention  of 
imitating  Germany  by  treating  its  solemn  treaties  as  ''mere 
scraps  of  paper,"  so  it  should  carefully  consider  the  char- 
acter and  size  of  the  job  it  is  undertaking  when  it  joins  a 
League  of  Nations  alliance  under  a  treaty  containing  the 
terrific  provisions  of  Article  X.  And  what  applies  to  the 
United  States  applies  with  equal  force  to  every  other  coun- 
try that  joins. 

"The  high  contracting  parties"  (every  government  sign- 
ing the  League  treaty)  "undertake"  (which  means  "will 
perform")  "to  respect  and  preserve"  (that  is,  defend  by  war 
if  necessary)  "as  against  external  aggression"  (any  attack 

120 


LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS  CONSTITUTION 

from  outside  of  a  country  made  by  anybody)  ''the  terri- 
torial integrity"  (present  boundaries)  "and  existing  polit- 
ical independence"  (sovereignty)  "of  all  states"  (nations) 
"members  of  the  League."  All  countries  are  expected  ulti- 
mately to  be  in  the  League.  Each  nation  then,  under  this 
treaty,  would  be  legally  bound  to  the  extent  of  all  its  phys- 
ical resources,  armaments  and  conscripted  man  power  if 
necessary,  to  "preserve"  and  defend  the  territorial  bounda- 
ries and  possessions,  and  also  the  existing  political  inde- 
pendence or  sovereignty  of  every  one  of  the  forty  or  more 
countries,  big  and  little,  scattered  throughout  the  whole 
world,  as  against  any  and  all  "external  aggression,"  or 
attacks  from  the  outside. 

It  may  be  a  perfectly  natural  and  proper  thing,  for  exam- 
ple, for  Great  Britain  to  want  to  secure  by  the  mere  stroke 
of  a  pen  the  permanent  and  binding  guarantee  of  the 
United  States,  that  all  its  wealth,  navy  and  man  power 
will  be  kept  constantly  prepared  and  ready,  and  whenever 
necessary  be  employed,  without  cost  to  Great  Britain,  to 
protect  and  preserve  its  title  and  possession  to  every  single 
acre  of  its  vast  and  far-flung  territories,  and  its  political 
independence  or  sovereignty,  as  against  any  and  every 
attack  that  may  be  made  from  the  outside  on  any  of  her 
dominions,  colonies  or  islands  in  Europe,  Africa,  Asia  or 
America!  But  does  the  United  States  want  that  thankless, 
expensive  and  permanent  job?  Does  it  want  the  job  of 
doing  the  same  thing  for  every  country  on  earth?  Yet 
that  is  just  the  job  it  might  have,  along  with  other  nations 
that  now  are  so  nearly  bankrupt,  a  task  from  which  it 
could  not  honorably  escape  if  it  ratified  any  treaty  contain- 
ing the  provisions  of  Article  X. 

Without  expressing  any  opinion  on  the  Irish  question, 
we  can  properly  say  that  this  treaty  would  be  likely  to 
destroy  forever  all  prospect  of  Irish  independence,  because 
nobody  believes  Ireland  can  achieve  independence  by  force 
without  outside  armed  aid;  and  the  moment  outside  help 

121 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

came,  the  United  States  and  all  other  nations  in  the  League 
would  be  obliged,  under  this  treaty,  to  go  to  war  on  the 
side  of  Great  Britain. 

Poland  and  other  menaced  "war  baby'*  republics  no  doubt 
will  be  in  the  League.  The  moment  Bolshevist  Russia,  for 
example,  sends  one  armed  man  across  the  border  to  make 
an  aggressive  attack,  it  would  be  the  legal  duty  of  the 
United  States,  under  this  treaty,  to  promptly  go  to  war 
on  the  side  of  Poland  and  against  Bolshevist  Russia  be- 
cause it  had  solemnly  contracted  by  this  treaty  to  do  just 
that  thing.  Perhaps  we  should  so  help  Poland,  but  is  it 
safe  or  sensible  to  blindly  bind  the  United  States  in  ad- 
vance to  do  so  without  regard  to  the  situation  or  circum- 
stances that  may  prevail  at  the  time  the  trouble  shall  arise? 
Could  the  United  States  lawfully  bind  itself  by  mere  treaty 
to  thus  go  to  war  without  any  constitutional  action  by 
Congress?  Certainly  it  should  not,  even  if  it  could.  These 
examples  might  be  multiplied  indefinitely,  and  they  apply 
alike  to  all  other  countries  in  the  League. 

What  prospect  would  there  be  for  reducing  naval  and 
military  forces  and  burdens  if  the  United  States  was  under 
such  a  continuous  binding  blanket  obligation  to  thus  insure 
with  its  bayonets  and  the  blood  of  its  sons  the  territorial 
possessions  and  political  sovereignty  of  every  nation  on 
earth?  Does  the  republic  desire  thus  to  become  the  guar- 
antor of  the  property  title  and  political  sovereignty  of  many 
royal  systems,  agreeing  blindly  in  advance  to  use  our  army 
and  navy  against  those  who  might  be  seeking  only  to  help 
liberate  the  oppressed  peoples  of  another  country  from 
tyranny  ?] 

ARTICLE  XI. 

Any  war  or  threat  of  war,  ivhether  immediately  affecting 
any  of  the  high  contracting  parties  or  not,  is  hereby  de- 
clared a  matter  of  concern  to  the  League,  and  the  high 
contracting  parties  reserve  the  right  to  take  any  action  that 
may  he  deemed  unse  and  effectual  to  safeguard  the  peace 

122 


LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS  CONSTITUTION 

of  nations.  It  is  hereby  also  declared  and  agreed  to  be 
the  friendly  right  of  each  of  the  high  contracting  parties  to 
drazv  the  attention  of  the  body  of  delegates  or  of  the  Exec- 
utive Council  to  any  circumstances  affecting  international 
intercourse  zi'hich  threaten  to  disturb  international  peace 
or  the  good  understanding  between  nations  upon  which 
peace  depends. 

[This  is  the  kind  of  diplomatic  language  commonly  em- 
ployed to  create  an  offensive  and  defensive  war  alliance 
between  nations,  such  as  this  would  be. 

But  it  does  far  more  than  that.  By  it  each  nation  in  the 
League  surrenders  its  sovereignty  absolutely  to  the  other 
nations  by  binding  treaty  agreement.  It  agrees  that  if  it 
has  a  civil  or  other  domestic  war  wholly  within  its  own 
borders,  each  or  all  of  the  other  nations  may  interfere  and 
"take  any  action'*  they  may  desire.  Article  XI  makes  all 
nations  agree  that  any  and  all  wars,  international,  national 
or  civil,  and  all  threats  of  war,  anywhere  on  earth,  shall 
be  the  business  or  "concern"  of  the  League.  And  "the  high 
contracting  parties"  (governments  signing  the  treaty) 
"reserve"  (possess)  "the  right  to  take  any  action  that  may 
be  deemed"  (by  them)  "wise  and  effectual  to  safeguard  the 
peace  of  nations." 

Suppose  the  people  in  a  country  start  war  to  rid  them- 
selves of  some  reigning  royal  despot  and  gain  freedom  from 
oppression,  or  to  achieve  democracy.  Or  suppose  in  a 
republic  some  royal  adventurer  or  "man  on  horseback" 
should  attempt  to  destroy  the  republic  and  establish  a 
monarchy.  In  either  case  any  or  all  such  outside  nations 
could  lawfully  take  a  hand  and  "take  any  action,"  military 
or  otherwise,  which  they  desired.  Such  action  might  be 
the  very  thing  that  would  cause  the  defeat  of  the  people's 
cause  and  rob  them  of  liberty  and  freedom.  This  article 
would  breed  wars. 

Time  works  great  changes  and  no  one  can  foretell  which 
way  they  will  go.    If  this  power  is  granted  by  mutual  treaty 

123 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

agreement  to  all  nations  in  the  League  alliance,  to  meddle 
in  the  internal  affairs  of  each  country,  who  can  say  that 
this  League  and  that  power  may  not  some  time  fall  under 
the  control  of  a  combination  of  royal  rulers  who  would  try 
to  imitate  the  "holy  alliance"  by  attempting  to  destroy 
democracy  and  every  free  government  on  the  earth?  A 
League  alliance,  therefore,  might  become  very  dangerous. 
On  the  other  hand,  an  international  Nation  of  Nations 
would  be  expressly  prohibited  by  its  constitution  from  inter- 
fering in  the  domestic  affairs  of  any  country.] 

ARTICLE  XII. 

The  high  contracting  parties  agree  that  should  dispute 
arise  between  them  which  can  not  he  adjusted  by  the  ordi- 
nary processes  of  diplomacy,  they  will  in  no  case  resort  to 
war  without  previously  submitting  the  questions  and  mat- 
ters involved  either  to  arbitration  or  to  inquiry  by  the 
Executive  Council  and  until  three  months  after  the  award 
by  the  arbitrators  or  a  recommendation  by  the  Executive 
Council,  and  that  they  will  not  even  then  resort  to  war  as 
against  a  member  of  the  League  which  complies  with  the 
award  of  the  arbitrators  or  the  recommendation  of  the 
Executive  Council. 

In  any  case,  under  this  article,  the  award  of  the  arbi- 
trators shall  be  made  within  a  reasonable  time,  and  the 
recommendation  of  the  Executive  Council  shall  be  made 
zvithin  six  months  after  the  submission  of  the  dispute. 

ARTICLE   XIII. 

The  high  contracting  parties  agree  that  whenever  any 
dispute  or  difficulty  shall  arise  between  them  which  they 
recognize  to  be  suitable  for  submission  to  arbitration  and 
which  cannot  be  satisfactorily  settled  by  diplomacy,  they 
will  submit  the  whole  matter  to  arbitration.  For  this  pur- 
pose the  Court  of  Arbitration  to  which  the  case  is  referred 
shall  be  the  court  agreed  on  by  the  parties  or  stipulated  in 
any  convention  existing  between  them. 

124 


LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS  CONSTITUTION 

The  high  contracting  parties  agree  that  they  will  carry 
out  in  full  good  faith  any  award  that  may  he  rendered. 
In  the  event  of  any  failure  to  carry  out  the  award,  the 
Executive  Council  shall  propose  what  steps  can  best  he 
taken  to  give  effect  thereto. 

[No  doubt  agreements  to  arbitrate  are  desirable  and  bet- 
ter than  nothing,  but  they  never  have  or  will  make  wars 
impossible.  Such  treaty  agreements  bind  the  virtuous  but 
not  the  vicious  countries.  Would  such  a  treaty  have  pre- 
vented Germany  from  starting  the  war?  There  must  be 
something  more  powerful  and  practical  than  treaty  agree- 
ments for  arbitration,  and  tribunals  to  arbitrate  but  which 
have  no  power  to  enforce  their  decisions.  The  Hague 
experience  proved  that  fact.] 

ARTICLE  XIV. 

The  Executive  Council  shall  formulate  plans  for  the 
establishment  of  a  permanent  Court  of  International  Justice 
and  this  court  shall,  zvhen  established,  be  competent  to  hear 
and  determine  any  matter  zi^hich  the  [parties  recognize 
as  suitable  for  submission  to  it  for  arbitration  under  the 
foregoing  article. 

[This  ''Court  of  International  Justice"  sounds  big,  broad 
and  grand.  But,  reading  carefully,  we  find  that  it  is  not  a 
regular  court  at  all,  with  power  to  construe  international 
law  and  hear  and  decide  disputes.  It  is  a  mere  arbitration 
commission  or  tribunal,  not  entitled  to  be  called  a  court.  The 
only  authority  it  would  have  is  granted  by  Article  XIV,  and 
that  is  "to  hear  and  determine  any  matter  which  the  parties 
recognize  as  suitable  for  submission  to  it  for  arbitration 
under  the   foregoing  article.*'] 

ARTICLE  XV. 

//  there  should  arise  between  states,  members  of  the 
league,  any  dispute  likely  to  lead  to  rupture,  which  is  not 
submitted  to  arbitration  as  above,  the  high  contracting  par- 
US 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

ties  agree  that  they  will  refer  the  matter  to  the  Executive 
Council;  either  party  to  the  dispute  may  give  notice  of  the 
existence  of  the  dispute  to  the  Secretary  General,  who  will 
make  all  necessary  arrangements  for  a  full  investigation  and 
consideration  thereof. 

For  this  purpose  the  parties  agree  to  communicate  to 
the  Secretary  General,  as  promptly  as  possible,  statements 
of  their  case  zvith  all  the  relevant  facts  and  papers,  and  the 
Executive  Council  may  forthwith  direct  the  publication 
thereof. 

Where  the  efforts  of  the  council  lead  to  the  settlement 
of  the  dispute,  a  statement  shall  be  published  indicating  the 
nature  of  the  dispute  and  the  terms  of  settlement,  together 
zinth  such  explanation  as  may  be  appropriate.  If  the  dis- 
pute has  not  been  settled,  a  report  by  the  council  shall  be 
published,  setting  forth  with  all  necessary  facts  and  explana- 
tions the  recommendation  which  the  council  thinks  just  and 
proper  for  the  settlement  of  the  dispute. 

If  the  report  is  unaninhously  agreed  to  by  the  members  of 
the  council  other  than  the  parties  to  the  dispute,  the  high 
contracting  parties  agree  that  they  zvill  not  go  to  war  with 
any  party  which  complies  zvith  the  recommendations,  and 
that  if  any  party  shall  refuse  so  to  comply,  the  council  shall 
propose  measures  necessary  to  give  effect  to  the  recom- 
mendation. 

If  no  such  unanimous  report  can  be  made,  it  shall  be  the 
duty  of  the  majority  and  the  priznlege  of  the  minority  to 
issue  statements  indicating  zvhat  they  believe  to  be  the  facts 
and  containing  the  reasons  zvhich  they  consider  to  be  just 
and  proper. 

The  Executive  Council  may,  in  any  case  under  this  ar- 
ticle, refer  the  dispute  to  the  body  of  delegates.  The  dispute 
shall  be  so  referred  at  the  request  of  either  party  to  the  dis- 
pute, provided  that  such  request  must  be  made  zvithin  four- 
teen days  after  the  submission  of  the  dispute. 

In  any  case  referred  to  the  body  of  delegates  all  the  pro- 

126 


LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS  CONSTITUTION 

z-isions  of  this  article  and  of  Article  XII,  relating  to  the 
action  and  pozvers  of  the  ExeciUive  Coimcil,  shall  apply  to 
the  action  and  pozvers  of  the  body  of  delegates. 

[The  long  and  complicated  procedure  here  provided  is 
simply  an  attempt  to  prevent  wars  by  contracting  not  to 
start  them,  treaty  contracts.  It  never  has  been,  or  will  be, 
possible  to  stop  wars  by  contract.  That  is  not  enough,  be- 
cause lawless  rulers  never  hesitate  to  break  a  contract  or 
treaty  when  it  stands  in  their  way  and  they  are  ready  to 
act.  And  history  proves  that  good  kings  sometimes  are 
succeeded  by  very  bad  kings.  The  bulwark  against  war 
must  be  something  far  more  tangible,  powerful  and  prac- 
tical than  treaty  contracts  and  powerless  arbitration  boards 
if  the  masses  of  men  are  to  be  freed  from  the  danger  of 
wholesale  slaughter  in  recurring  wars.] 

ARTICLE  XVI. 

Should  any  of  the  high  contracting  parties  break  or  dis- 
regard its  covenants  under  Article  Tzjuelve,  it  shall  thereby, 
ipso,  facto,  be  deemed  to  have  committed  an  act  of  zvar 
against  all  the  other  members  of  the  league,  which  hereby 
undertake  immediately  to  subject  it  to  the  severance  of  all 
trade  or  financial  relations,  the  prohibition  of  all  intercourse 
betzveen  their  nationals  and  the  nationals  of  the  covenant- 
breakin\g  state,  and  the  prevention  of  all  financial,  com- 
mercial or  personal  intercourse  betzveen  the  nationals  of  the 
covenant-breaking  state  and  the  nationals  of  any  other  state, 
whether  a  member  of  the  league  or  not. 

It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Executive  Council  in  such 
case  to  recommend  zvhat  effective  military  or  naval  force 
the  members  of  the  league  shall  severally  contribute  to  the 
armed  forces  to  be  used  to  protect  the  covenants  of  the 
league. 

The  high  contracting  parties  agree  further  that  they  will 
mutually  support  one  another  in  the  financial  and  economic 
measures  zchich  may  be  taken  under  this  article,  in  order 

127 


LEAGUE    OF    NATIONS 

to  minimize  the  loss  and  inconvenience  resulting  from  the 
above  measures,  and  that  they  will  mutually  support  one 
another  in  resisting  any  special  measures  aimed  at  one  of 
their  number  by  the  covenant-breaking  state,  and  that  they 
will  afford  passage  through  their  territory  to  the  forces  of 
any  of  the  high  contracting  parties  who  are  co-operating  to 
protect  the  covenants  of  the  league. 

[In  case  a  nation  in  the  league  shall  attack  another  na- 
tion that  is  in  the  league,  without  first  arbitrating  and  then 
waiting  three  months  after  the  award,  as  provided  in  Article 
XII,  before  starting  war,  it  shall  be  deemed  to  have  com- 
mitted an  act  of  war  against  all  countries  in  the  league. 
Thus  a  general  "state  of  war''  would  prevail  without  any 
declaration  of  war  by  the  Congress  or  Parliament  of  any 
country.  Would  that  be  constitutional?  And  would  it  be 
wise  to  so  fix  it  that  any  one  country  could,  simply  by  attack- 
ing another  country,  create  a  universal  ''state  of  war"  over 
night  any  time,  and  automatically  force  all  nations  in  as 
active  parties  to  what  may  become  a  great  world  conflict? 

By  shaping  the  language  of  Article  XVI  so  as  to  avoid 
expressly  saying  that  each  league  nation  will  wage  war 
with  its  army  and  navy  and  all  its  resources  against  the 
lawless  country  and  its  allies,  it  may  have  been  intended  to 
evade  the  provision  of  the  constitution  that  grants  to  Con- 
gress exclusively  the  power  to  declare  war.  But  the  spirit 
of  the  constitution  would  be  violated,  even  if  its  letter  was 
evaded,  which  would  not  be  the  case.  The  other  things  that 
Article  XVI  binds  each  nation  firmly  to  do  would,  if  done, 
legally  constitute  an  act  of  war  by  all  of  the  nations  in  the 
league  against  the  offending  nation  and  its  allies.  Such 
nations  must  open  their  territories  for  the  operation  or 
passage  of  armed  forces  bent  on  attacking  such  offending 
country,  and  also  actively  participate  in  isolating  it  from  all 
other  countries  by  blockade  and  by  driving  its  commerce 
from  the  high  seas.  That  is  war;  and  it  is  deliberately 
started  by  operation   of   a  treaty  agreement   without  any 

128 


LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS  CONSTITUTION 

action  by  Congress  and  in  violation  of  its  constitutional 
rights.  No  one  will  be  deceived  by  this  obvious  and  illegal 
subterfuge  except  those  who  want  to  be,  or  who  close  their 
eyes  to  the  plain  facts. 

While  Article  XVI  uses  careful  diplomatic  language 
about  the  "effective  military  or  naval  force  the  members 
of  the  league  shall  severally  contribute  to  the  armed  forces 
to  be  used  to  protect  the  covenants  of  the  league,"  any  court 
in  the  world  would  construe  the  meaning  and  legal  effect 
to  be  a  moral  and  legal  treaty  obligation  absolutely  binding 
every  nation  in  the  league  alliance  to  furnish  naval  and  mili- 
tary forces  whenever  and  as  the  majority  of  the  nine  mem- 
bers of  the  Executive  Council  may  determine.  Thus  five 
men  in  the  Executive  Council,  representing  five  foreign 
governments  would  have  legal  power  to  force  this  country 
to  go  to  war  for  their  benefit  again  and  again. 

The  use  of  economic  and  other  pacific  pressure  as  a 
means  of  restraining  lawless  nations  in  the  interest  of  world 
justice  and  peace  is  justified  and  can  be  made  a  powerful 
instrument  for  good.  So  can  blockade  and  other  semi- 
hostile  acts  short  of  actual  open  warfare.  But  these  should 
not  be  carried  on  by  the  many  nations  themselves  with  their 
more  or  less  conflicting  and  scattered  national  forces,  be- 
cause that  would  tend  to  breed  actual  and  widespread  con- 
flicts. And  a  mere  alliance  league  would  have  no  efficient 
machinery  or  organization  for  martialing,  organizing,  co- 
ordinating, managing  and  directing  such  action  and  the 
forces  employed. 

A  regular  and  permanent  Nation  of  Nations,  however, 
could  do  all  of  these  things  efficiently,  promptly  and  im- 
partially with  its  own  organization  and  the  mutual  police 
power  armaments  and  forces  under  its  exclusive  control.] 

ARTICLE  XVII. 

In  the  event  of  disputes  between  one  state  member  of 
the  league  and  another  state  which  is  not  a  member  of  the 

129 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

league,  or  betzveen  states  not  members  of  the  league,  the 
high  contracting  parties  agree  that  the  state  or  states  not 
members  of  the  league  shall  be  invited  to  accept  the  obliga- 
tions of  membership  in  the  league  for  the  purposes  of  such 
dispute,  upon  such  conditions  as  tne  Executive  Council  may 
deem  just  and  upon  acceptance  of  any  such  invitation,  the 
above  provisions  shall  be  applied  with  such  modifications  as 
may  be  deemed  necessary  by  the  league. 

Upon  such  invitation  being  given,  the  Executive  Council 
shall  immediately  institute  an  inquiry  into  the  circumstances 
and  merits  of  the  dispute  and  recommend  such  action  as 
may  seem  best  and  most  effectual  in  the  circumstances. 

In  the  event  of  a  power  so  invited  refusing  to  accept  the 
obligations  of  membership  in  the  league  for  the  purpose 
of  such  dispute,  and  taking  any  action  against  a  state  mem- 
ber of  the  league  which,  in  the  case  of  a  state  member  of 
the  league  would  constitute  a  breach  of  Article  XII,  the  pro- 
visions of  Article  XVI  shall  be  applicable  as  against  the 
state  taking  such  action.  . 

//  both  parties  to  the  dispute,  when  so  invited,  refuse  to 
accept  the  obligations  of  membership  in  the  league  for  the 
purpose  of  such  dispute,  the  Executive  Council  may  take 
such  action  and  make  such  recommendations  as  will  prevent 
hostilities  and  will  result  in  the  settlement  of  the  dispute. 

[This  provides  a  way  for  the  league  to  gain  power, 
for  the  object  in  view,  over  all  nations  outside  of  the 
alliance.] 

ARTICLE  XVIII. 

The  high  contracting  parties  agree  that  the  league  shall 
be  intrusted  uith  general  supervision  of  the  trade  in  arms 
and  ammunition  with  the  countries  in  which  the  control 
of  this  traffic  is  necessary  in  the  common  interest. 

ARTICLE  XIX. 

To  those  colonies  and  territories  zvhich,  as  a  consequence 
of  the  late  war,  have  ceased  to  be  under  the  sovereignty  of 

130 


LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS  CONSTITUTION 

the  states  which  formerly  governed  them  and  which  are 
inhabited  by  peoples  not  yet  able  to  stand  by  themselves 
under  the  strenuous  conditions  of  the  modern  world,  there 
should  be  applied  the  principle  that  the  wellbeing  and  de- 
velopment of  such  peoples  form  a  sacred  trust  of  civilization 
and  that  securities  for  the  performance  of  this  trust  should 
be  embodied  in  the  constitution  of  the  league. 

The  best  method  of  giving  practical  effect  to  this  prin- 
ciple is  that  the  tutelage  of  such  peoples  should  be  intrusted 
to  advanced  nations  who,  by  reason  of  their  resources,  their 
experience  or  their  geographical  position,  can  best  undertake 
this  responsibility,  and  that  this  tutelage  should  be  exer- 
cised by  them  as  mandatories  on  behalf  of  the  league. 

The  character  of  the  mandate  must  differ  according  to 
the  stage  of  the  development  of  the  people,  the  geographical 
situation  of  the  territory,  its  economic  conditions  and  other 
similar  circumstances. 

Certain  communities  formerly  belonging  to  the  Turkish 
Empire  have  reached  a  stage  of  development  where  their 
existence  as  independent  nations  can  be  provisionally  recog- 
nised subject  to  the  rendering  of  administrative  advice  and 
assistance  by  a  mandatory  power  until  such  time  as  they 
are  able  to  stand  alone.  The  wishes  of  these  communities 
must  be  a  principal  consideration  in  the  selection  of  the 
mandatory  pozver. 

Other  peoples,  especially  those  of  Central  Africa,  are  at 
such  a  stage  that  the  mandatory  must  be  responsible  for  the 
administration  of  the  territory,  subject  to  conditions  which 
ivill  guarantee  freedom  of  conscience  or  religion,  subject 
only  to  the  maintenance  of  public  order  and  morals,  the 
prohibition  of  abuses  such  as  the  slave  trade,  the  arms  traffic 
and  the  liquor  traffic,  and  the  prevention  of  the  establish- 
ment of  fortifications  or  military  and  naval  bases  and  of 
military  training  of  the  natives  for  other  than  police  pur- 
poses and  the  defense  of  territory,  and  will  also  secure 

131 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

equal  opportunities  for  the  trade  and  commerce  of  other 
members  of  the  league. 

There  are  territories,  such  as  Southwest  Africa  and  cer- 
tain of  the  South  PaciHc  isles,  which,  owing  to  the  sparse- 
ness  of  their  population,  or  their  small  size,  or  their  remote- 
ness from  the  centres  of  civilization,  or  their  geographical 
continuity  to  the  mandatory  state,  and  other  circumstances, 
can  he  best  administered  under  the  laws  of  the  mandatory 
state  as  integral  portions  thereof,  subject  to  the  safeguards 
above  mentioned,  in  the  interests  of  the  indigenous  popu- 
lation. 

In  every  case  of  mandate  the  mandatory  state  shall 
render  to  the  league  an  annual  report  in  reference  to  the 
territory  committed  to  its  charge. 

The  decree  of  authority,  control,  or  administration  to  be 
exercised  by  the  mandatory  state  shall,  if  not  previously 
agreed  upon  by  the  high  contracting  parties  in  each  case, 
be  explicitly  defined  by  the  Executive  Council  in  a  special 
act  or  charter. 

The  high  contracting  parties  further  agree  to  establish 
at  the  seat  of  the  league  a  mandatory  commission  to  receive 
and  examine  the  annual  reports  of  the  mandatory  powers 
and  to  assist  the  league  in  insuring  the  observance  of  the 
terms  of  all  mandates. 

[The  purposes  intended  by  the  proposed  mandatory 
system  for  managing  certain  colonies  and  orphan  terri- 
tories are  high  and  commendable.  Some  such  plan  is  neces- 
sary if  only  an  alliance  league  is  to  be  created,  because  such 
a  league  would  have  neither  power,  means  or  practical 
machinery  for  properly  managing  and  administering  such 
territories  and  their  peoples.  And  manifestly  it  would  be 
unjust,  unfair  and  unsatisfactory  to  turn  over  for  the  ex- 
clusive use  and  benefit  of  some  nations  great  territories 
taken  from  Germany  and  its  allies  by  the  common  effort  and 
sacrifice  of  all  the  allied  countries.  Nor  could  such  terri- 
tories be  satisfactorily  divided  and  their  populations  bodily 

132 


LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS  CONSTITUTION 

delivered  over  to  unregulated  and  unsupervised  exploitation 
and  domination  by  alien  races. 

A  more  scientific,  just  and  satisfactory  course  would  be 
to  put  all  such  colonies  and  territories  under  the  absolute 
control  of  the  proposed  Nation  of  Nations  in  trust,  to  be 
forever  protected  and  administered  impartially  for  the 
benefit  of  all  co-operating  nations  and  the  native  popula- 
tions. Other  convenient  nations  then  could,  and  no  doubt 
would,  be  employed  as  mandatories  to  manage  certain  of 
such  colonies  and  territories  for  the  trustee  Nation  of  Na- 
tions on  terms  to  be  mutually  agreed  upon.  Every  nation 
then  would  share  in  the  benefits  equally  and  have  a  fair 
voice  in  all  such  matters  through  their  regular  representa- 
tives in  the  Supreme  Senate  of  the  Nation  of  Nations. 
Such  territories  and  peoples  then  would  have  the  protection 
of  the  federated  moral  and  physical  force  of  all  the  world's 
nations  and  peoples  combined  in  the  ever-ready-to-act  cen- 
tral police  power  of  such  mutual  Nation  of  Nations;  and 
its  courts  would  establish  law  and  justice  throughout  such 
territories.  That  is  the  best  way  to  enable  all  civilized  peo- 
ples to  enjoy  the  privilege  and  share  the  burden  of  ex- 
tending to  the  earth's  submerged  and  untutored  millions 
the  blessings  of  liberty  and  enlightenment  and  happiness, 
because  the  cost  of  the  operations  of  the  Nation  of  Na- 
tions and  of  maintaining  its  organization,  agencies  and  police 
power,  would  be  apportioned  between  the  nations  on  the 
basis  of  their  representation  in  the  Supreme  Senate. 

The  United  States  and  its  generous  citizens  would  galdly 
assist  in  every  possible  way  in  a  great  benovelent  work 
organized  unselfishly  on  sound  business  lines  by  a  strong, 
responsible  and  thoroughly-organized  representative  govern- 
ment uniting,  on  even  terms,  all  the  peoples  of  the  world 
in  the  common  undertaking. 

f  But  the  United  States,  I  believe,  would  show  little  in- 
clination to  become  the  mandatory  guardian  for  far-distant 
peoples  and  territories  at  the  request  of  a  more  or  less  selfish, 

133 


LEAGUE^    OF    NATIONS 

weak  and  transitory  alliance  league,  not  of  the  world's  peo- 
ples, but  of  political  governments.] 

ARTICLE  XX. 

The  high  contracting  parties  zvill  endeavor  to  secure  and 
maintain  fair  and  humane  conditions  of  labor  for  men, 
women  and  children,  both  in  their  own  countries  and  in  all 
countries  to  which  their  commercial  and  industrial  relations 
extend,  and  to  that  end  agree  to  establish  as  part  of  the 
organization  of  the  league  a  permanent  Bureau  of  Labor, 

[The  object  in  view  is  desirable  and  commendable. 
There  can  be  no  objection  to  the  creation  and  maintenance 
of  a  permanent  Labor  Bureau  to  investigate  world  labor 
conditions  and,  by  education  and  moral  means,  improve 
such  conditions.  Any  attempt,  however,  to  employ  coercion 
or  force  against  any  one  nation  imposed  by  a  league  or 
alliance  of  many  nations  might  be  an  interference  in  do- 
mestic affairs  by  outside  nations  that  would  react  and  defeat 
the  very  objects  in  view.] 

ARTICLE  XXI. 

The  high  contracting  parties  agree  that  provision  shal 
be  made  through  the  instrumentality  of  the  league  to  secure 
and  maintain  freedom  of  transit  arid  equitable  treatment  fof 
the  commerce  of  all  states  members  of  the  league,  having  in 
mind,  among  other  things,  special  arrangements  with  regarc 
to  the  necessities  of  the  regions  devastated  during  the  waf 
of  IQ14-IP18, 

[What  does  it  mean,  or  what  may  it  not  mean,  wher< 
Article  XXI  says,  "The  high  contracting  parties"  (govern- 
ments) "agree"  "to  secure  and  maintain"  "equitable  treat 
ment  for  the  commerce  of  all  states  members  of  the  league"! 
If  this  means  that  the  principles  of  the  "most  favored  natioi 
clause"  of  treaties  shall  have  universal  application  to  al 
nations  in  the  league  and  their  commerce,  it  is  a  good  thing 
But  if  the  words  "equitable  treatment  for  the  commerce  o; 

134 


LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS  CONSTITUTION 

all  states  members  of  the  league"  means,  for  example,  that 
because  England  has  free  trade,  and  admits  American  goods 
without  duty,  therefore  the  United  States  must  admit  all 
British  goods  free,  it  would  be  a  very  bad  thing.  That  might 
force  the  United  States,  on  account  of  the  most  favored 
nations  clause  in  its  commercial  treaties,  to  grant  absolute 
free  trade  to  all  other  countries.  That  would  end  the  pro- 
tective tariff  system  and  establish  universal  free  trade.  It 
would  not  raise  European  and  Asiatic  labor  and  wages  to 
the  American  standard  and  level,  but  it  might  materially 
reduce  the  standard  of  living  and  wage  scale  of  American 
labor  down  toward  the  European  and  Asiatic  level.  It 
would  put  American  workmen  in  direct  competition  with 
foreign  workmen,  including  the  half  billion  people  of  Asia 
where  workers  are  willing  to  labor  for  about  thirty  cents  per 
day.  If  the  American  protective  tariff  system  is  to  be 
abolished  and  free  trade  substituted,  it  at  least  should  be 
done  by  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  and  not  under 
cover  of  a  general  peace  treaty  framed  to  settle  the  issues 
of  a  world  war.  This  matter  is  so  important,  if  the  pro- 
vision was  not  intended  to  apply  to  tariff  matters,  that  fact 
should  be  shown  now  by  unambiguous  language  so  there 
can  be  no  dispute  later.] 

ARTICLE  XXII. 

The  high  contracting  parties  agree  to  place  under  the 
control  of  the  league  all  international  bureaus  already  es- 
tablished by  general  treaties  if  the  parties  to  such  treaties 
consent.  Furthermore,  they  agree  that  all  such  international 
bureaus  to  be  constituted  in  future  shall  be  placed  under  the 
control  of  the  league. 

ARTICLE    XXIII. 

The  high  contracting  parties  agree  that  every  treaty  or 
international  engagement  entered  into  hereafter  by  any 
state  member  of  the  league,  shall  be  forthwith  registered 
ivith  the  Secretary  General  end  as  soon  as  possible  published 

135 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

by  him.,  and  that  no  such  treaty  or  international  engagement 
shall  be  binding  until  so  registered. 

ARTICLE  XXIV. 

It  shall  be  the  right  of  the  body  of  delegates  from  time 
to  time  to  advise  the  reconsideration  by  states  members  of 
the  league  of  treaties  which  have  become  inapplicable,  and 
of  international  conditions,  of  zvhich  the  continuance  m>ay 
endanger  the  peace  of  the  world. 

ARTICLE  XXV. 

The  high  contracting  parties  severally  agree  that  the 
present  covenant  is  accepted  as  abrogating  all  obligations 
inter  se  which  are  inconsistent  with  the  terms  thereof,  and 
solemnly  engage  that  they  will  not  hereafter  enter  into  any 
engagements  inconsistent  with  the  terms  thereof. 

In  case  any  of  the  powers  signatory  hereto  or  subse- 
quently admitted  to  the  league  shall,  before  becoming  a 
party  to  this  covenant,  have  undertaken  any  obligations 
which  are  inconsistent  with  the  terms  of  this  covenant,  it 
shall  be  the  duty  of  such  pozver  to  take  immediate  steps  to 
procure  its  release  from  such  obligations. 

[Every  provision  of  this  alliance  treaty  is  here  made 
absolutely  binding  on  every  nation  ratifying  it,  irrespective 
of  existing  treaties  and  obligations.  It  solemnly  binds  each 
nation  not  to  hereafter  make  any  treaty  or  "engagements" 
inconsistent  therewith.  As  this  is  to  be  the  one  supreme 
and  dominating  contract,  legally  binding  the  nations  by  its 
every  provision,  to  the  extent  of  peace  or  war,  national 
sovereignty  and  existence,  and  uniting  all  nations  now  in, 
or  that  hereafter  may  join,  in  one  great  entangling  alliance 
and  partnership,  imposing  on  each  nation  unlimited  liability 
for  the  acts  and  conduct  of  all,  the  United  States  should, 
and  will,  think  twice  before  fastening  upon  its  neck  the 
team  yoke  that  is  expected  hereafter  to  draw  the  world's 
staggering  load.  The  Supreme  Court  says,  a  treaty,  when 
ratified,  becomes  the  supreme  law  of  the  land. 

136 


LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS  CONSTITUTION 

President  Wilson  is  reported  to  have  declared  that  any 
nation  would  be  at  liberty  to  withdraw  from  the  League 
of  Nations  any  time.  But,  in  case  the  United  States  should 
withdraw,  would  it  not  remain  morally  and  legally  obligated 
never  to  enter  into  any  "engagement"  inconsistent  with  the 
constitution  of  a  league  to  which  it  no  longer  belonged,  even 
if  its  very  existence  should  happen  to  depend  on  its  ability 
to  enter  into  just  such  an  engagement?] 

ARTICLE   XXVI. 

Amendments  to  this  covenant  mill  take  effect  when  rati- 
fied by  the  states  whose  representatives  compose  the  Execu- 
tive Council  and  by  three-fourths  of  the  states  whose  repre- 
sentatives compose  the  body  of  delegates. 

THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE: 

It  is  claimed  that  this  treaty  does  not  interfere  with  the 
Monroe  Doctrine  because  it  extends  that  policy  to  the 
whole  world.  That  Doctrine  is  the  edict  of  the  United 
States  that  hereafter  no  European  or  Asiatic  nation  shall 
increase  its  territorial  holdings  on  the  American  continent 
or  interfere  with  the  territorial  integrity  or  political  sover- 
eignty of  any  nation  on  this  continent.  Theoretically  the 
same  idea  is  extended  to  all  countries  by  this  alliance  treaty, 
or  may  be  so  extended.  But  the  United  States  should  not 
surrender  its  right  and  power  to  thus  protect  itself  by  pro- 
tecting the  American  continent,  at  least  until  certain  that 
the  alternative  plan  will  be  carried  to  a  successful  finish 
and  it  actually  has  accomplished  its  wide  pretensions. 

But  suppose  the  United  States  should  join  and  later  drop 
out  of  the  alliance  League  of  Nations.  Could  it  then  resume 
the  Monroe  Doctrine,  or  recover  back  its  lost  right  or 
power  to  act  independently  of  other  nations  in  protecting 
the  American  republics  ?  No ;  because  it  would  have  legally 
bound  itself  by  solemn  treaty,  under  Article  XXV,  never  to 
make  any  engagements  inconsistent  with  such  alliance  treaty. 

137 


LEAGUE    OF    NATIONS 

And  it  certainly  would  be  inconsistent  with  that  treaty,  and 
its  plan  for  joint  control  and  action  by  the  league  of  all 
nations,  if  the  United  States  ever  should  act  independently 
under  and  in  accordance  with  its  time-honored  Monroe 
Doctrine. 


13S 


CHAPTER  XVIL 

WHERE  DOES  JAPAN  STAND? 

The  world's  last  great  interrogation  point  of  uncer- 
tainty, uneasiness  and  doubt  is  Imperial  Japan.  She  now 
is  the  only  nation  possessing  a  truly  autocratic  imperial 
system.  The  ambitious  and  aggressive  military  imperialism 
of  Germany,  of  Austria-Hungary,  Bulgaria,  Turkey  and 
Russia  are  all  dead  and  gone  forever.  That  of  Japan  alone 
^•emains  in  all  otherwise  democratic  and  peace-anxious 
world,  to  kindle  doubts  and  fears  that  may  make  reduction 
of  national  armaments  difficult,  if  not  unsafe  and  impos- 
sible. Just  as  helmeted  Germany,  by  its  vast  military  and 
naval  program  and  known  ambition  for  territorial  expan- 
sion, compelled  all  Europe  to  arm  and  stay  armed  to  the 
limit  until  the  inevitable  war  came,  so  an  armed,  ambitious, 
aggressive,  clever  and  mysterious  Japan  can  by  its  unex- 
plained course  and  purpose  compel  all  the  world  to  stay 
armed  and  overburdened  with  naval  and  military  expense; 
because  if  it  forces  one  it  thereby  forces  all  nations  to  re- 
main continuously  prepared  for  war. 

This  comment  is  regretfully  written  by  one  who  is  not 
unfriendly  to,  or  prejudiced  against,  that  splendid,  enter- 
prising, enlightened  and  civilized  people.  And  it  is  ear- 
nestly hoped  that  no  injustice  will  be  done  by  these  words. 
But  the  hour  for  plain  speaking  and  frank  discussion  is 
here,  if  the  new  world  order  is  to  be  one  of  peaceful  prog- 
ress instead  of  dangerous  reaction.  Therefore  certain 
things  Japan  is  reported  to  have  done  sound  to  us  a  note 
of  warning  as  we  plan  for  the  future. 

If,  as  charged,  Japan  agreed  with  the  allies  that  no 
country  should  send  more  than  7,000  soldiers  into  Russia 
and  then,  without  the  consent  of  her  allies,  she  sent  70,000 
men  to  Siberia  and  seized  possession  of  all  or  many  stra- 
tegic points  in  that  vast,  rich  and  helpless  land,  how  can 

139 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

she  blame  other  countries  if  they  become  distrustful  of 
Japanese  promises  anc^  purposes  on  all  subjects?  We  sin- 
cerely hope  the  grave  but  specific  charge  made  will  be  dis- 
proved. 

Such  things  are  calculated  to  make  some  people  wonder 
whether,  if  Germany  had  won  the  war,  the  Kaiser  and 
Japan  would  have  become  allies  and  divided  between  them 
Russia,  China,  the  British  fleet,  dominions  and  colonies, 
control  of  the  high  seas,  the  Philippines  and  South  Amer- 
ica and  the  Western  part  of  Canada  and  Alaska,  after 
jointly  attacking  and  imposing  upon  the  United  States  a 
gigantic  indemnity  and  forcing  our  country  open  to  the  free 
admission  of  Asiatic  laborers  in  unlimited  numbers.  It  is 
remembered  that  Japan  once  whipped  Russia  and  shortly 
thereafter  became  the  pledged  ally  of  the  Czar.  Japan's 
enemies  charge  that  she  "was  playing  both  ends  against 
the  middle,''  intending  to  tie  up  with  the  victor  and  share 
in  the  spoils  whichever  side  won.  We  prefer  to  believe 
that  Japan  was  sincere,  but  things  she  is  reported  to  have 
done  tend  to  encourage  the  opposite  view. 

The  attempt  to  force  China  to  grant  concessions  cal- 
culated to  reduce  that  country,  with  its  limitless  resources 
and  a  fourth  of  the  world's  entire  population,  to  the  posi- 
tion virtually  of  a  Japanese  province,  to  the  serious  dis- 
advantage of  her  allies,  while  they  were  absorbed  in  a  great 
life  and  death  struggle  in  Europe,  was  an  impressive  cir- 
cumstance of  grave  import.  Was  it  not  a  violation  of  the 
spirit  and  letter  of  the  *'open  door"  policy  to  which  Japan, 
by  solemn  treaty,  had  pledged  its  national  honor?  Does 
she  understand  that  by  conceding  that  Japan,  because  of 
her  geographical  nearness,  had  a  "special  interest"  in  China, 
the  United  States  thereby  intended  to  license  Japan,  so  far 
as  this  country  is  concerned,  to  proceed  to  impose  its  will 
upon,  and  selfishly  exploit,  China?  The  kind  of  Monroe 
Doctrine  Japan  seems  inclined  to  enforce  in  Asia  is  not  the 
kind  the  United  States  enforces  in  South  America. 

The  fate  of  Korea,   Manchuria,   Mongolia,  the  action 

140 


WHERE  DOES  JAPAN  STAND  f 

of  Japan  as  to  the  disposition  of  Germany's  lost  colonies 
and  islands  in  the  Pacific,  her  treatment  of  China,  notwith- 
standing her  recent  treaty  of  friendship  with  the  United 
States,  are  things  calculated  to  give  the  impression  that 
Japan  is  dangerously  ambitious  to  vastly  increase  her  ter- 
ritorial possessions  at  the  expense  of  other  countries  irre- 
spective of  international  justice  and  right. 

ASIATIC  IMMIGRATION  QUESTION 

At  the  General  Peace  Congress,  Japan  is,  according  to 
reports,  strenuously  seeking  to  have  the  League  of  Nations 
peace  treaty  require  all  countries  to  admit  Asiatic 
laborers  without  restriction  or  discrimination.  She  claims 
to  urge  this  only  as  a  matter  of  racial  pride  and  sentiment, 
not  for  economic  purposes.  She  promises  to  continue  pre- 
venting Japanese  laborers  coming  to  this  country,  with- 
out any  binding  agreement  on  the  subject  being  made.  But 
it  is  not  a  businesslike  proceeding  for  an  individual,  or  a 
nation,  to  enter  into  a  written  contract  to  do  a  thing  that 
would  be  ruinous  if  carried  out  and  then  depend  for  pro- 
tection wholly  on  the  mere  unenforceable  and  legally  not 
binding  promise  of  the  other  party  not  to  insist  on  the  con- 
tract being  performed. 

It  may  be  true  that  Japan  is  actuated  only  by  race  pride 
and  sentiment  and  not  by  the  desire  to  gain  for  millions  of 
her  laborers  an  opportunity  to  come  here  so  that  they  can 
increase  their  wage  income  from  30  and  90  cents  per  day 
to  $2.00,  $4.00  and  $6.00  per  day,  until  they  desire  to  re- 
turn to  Japan  with  their  rich  accumulations.  But  if  it  is 
true,  then  there  is  no  sound  basis  of  fact,  moral  justifica- 
tion, or  foundation  in  international  law  or  justice  for  the 
demand  of  Japan.  Therefore  ii  will  be  resisted  to  the  ut- 
most and  can  not  prevail.  And  the  more  the  demand  is 
pressed  the  bigger  the  interrogation  point  of  doubt  will 
grow  in  the  mind  of  the  world  as  to  Japan's  purposes,  and 
the  more  other  countries  will  be  inclined  to  stay  armed 
so  they  can  defend  the  legal  right  of  their  own  peoples  to 

141 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

"self-determination"  as  to  what,  if  any,  alien  peoples  they 
will  or  will  not  admit  to  their  national  home  as  guests  or 
neighbors. 

So  far  as  the  United  States  \z  concerned,  and  no  doubt 
the  same  is  true  of  other  countries,  the  exclusion  of  Jap- 
anese and  Chinese  immigration  is  not  intended,  and  in  no 
way  dpes,  discriminate  against  those  peoples  on  racial 
grounds,  or  make  any  invidious  comparison  or  detrimen- 
tal reflection  on  those  great  peoples  because  of  race  or 
color.  Therefore  there  is  no  justification  for  taking  offense 
because  there  was  no  intention  or  desire  of  giving  offense 
by  wounding  racial  sentiment  or  pride. 

The  entire  and  only  reason  for  excluding  Japanese  and 
Chinese  workers  from  America  is  because  there  are  so 
many  of  them,  and  their  standard  of  living  and  scale  of 
wages  are  so  low  that  they  would,  if  admitted  without  re- 
striction, completely,  immediately  and  permanently  demor- 
alize and  destroy  the  American  labor  situation  by  reducing 
wages  and  the  standard  of  living  of  American  citizens  gen- 
erally toward  the  Asiatic  level.  That  by  taking  away  the 
jobs  of  American  workers  all  over  the  United  States  they 
would  cause  general  idleness,  poverty,  strikes,  violence  and 
other  evils  injurious  to  the  welfare  of  the  people  and  the 
safety  of  the  republic.  There  can  be  no  sound  reason  for 
wrecking  the  prosperity  of  this  country  solely  to  appease 
a  foreign  people  whose  pride  and  sentiment  may  take  of- 
fense without  moral  or  legal  justification  when  they  are, 
for  economic  reasons  only,  denied  admission  to  a  country 
where  they  have  no  legal  right  to  go  without  the  invitation  or 
desire  of  those  who  own  that  country. 

For  the  same  reason,  and  only  that  reason,  it  is  necessary 
to  protect  American  labor  with  a  reasonable  tariff  barrier 
that  will  prevent  the  products  made  in  foreign  countries  by 
such  cheap  labor  from  coming  in  here  on  such  a  basis  that 
they  could  profitably  be  sold  below  the  cost  of  producing 
such  articles  in  American  mills  imless  the  scale  of 
American    wages    was   greatly   and    permanently    reduced. 

142 


WHERE  DOES  JAPAN  STAND f 

Otherwise  great  mills  and  factories  would  be  built  in 
China  and  Japan  with  Japanese,  English,  German  and 
perhaps  American  capital,  where  raw  materials  are  abund- 
ant and  cheap  and  labor  in  absolutely  unlimited  quan- 
tities available  at  30  to  90  cents  per  day,  the  products 
being  shipped  by  cheap  water  routes  to  the  United 
States  and  admitted  duty  free  to  be  sold  here  so  cheap  that 
American  mills  would  have  to  shut  down  unless  American 
workers  would  accept  more  nearly  the  Asiatic  scale  of 
wages  and  standard  of  living.  Only  a  reasonable  but  ade- 
quate tariff  can  protect  American  labor,  industry  and  agri- 
culture against  that  deadly  danger. 

The  only  sure  and  proper  way  to  increase  the  pros- 
perity and  improve  the  condition  of  the  great  masses  of 
people  of  Japan  and  China  is  to  do  it  at  home  by  develop- 
ing industries  in  those  countries,  just  as  Japan  has  done  so 
greatly  during  this  war.  And  Japan  never  before  was  so 
prosperous  and  happy.  This  can  readily  be  done  because 
raw  materials  and  labor  are  so  abundant  and  cheap. 
Capital  can  be  obtained  and  enterprise  developed.  Mar- 
kets, it  is  true,  are  needed,  but  these  will  quickly  de- 
velop right  there  in  China  and  Japan  the  moment  wages 
and  employment  are  increased  and  the  purchasing  power  of 
the  half  billion  people  of  those  countries  is  thus  increased. 

The  home  market  of  the  United  States  normally  con- 
sumes ninety  per  cent  of  all  the  products  of  the  United 
States  notwithstanding  the  output  has  been  increased  dur- 
ing the  past  forty  years  almost  beyond  calculation  with  the 
aid  of  the  protective  tariff  system,  making  this  country 
the  most  prosperous,  and  financially  the  strongest,  country 
in  the  world.  It  was  general  employment  and  high  wages 
that  increased  the  purchasing  power  of  the  people  and  made 
the  home  market  so  large  and  permanent. 

If  all  the  men  of  China,  for  example,  could  ultimately 
be  put  to  work  steadily  there  in  China  at  an  average  wage 
of  a  dollar  a  day  they  would  earn  and  spend  thirty  bil- 
lion dollar^  every  year  and  make  that  country  the  greatest 

143 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

home  market  in  the  world,  consuming  most  of  all  the  prod- 
ucts made  by  their  own  labor.  Such  a  policy  would  greatly 
improve  the  standard  of  living,  promote  general  intelligence 
and  change  China  from  one  of  the  most  unfortunate  to  one 
of  the  most  prosperous  and  happy  countries  in  the  world. 
The  same  is  true  of  Japan,  to  the  extent  of  her  popula- 
tion. Then  their  people  would  not  desire  to  emigrate  to 
other  countries. 

The  United  States  would  gladly  assist  actively  in  carry- 
ing out  a  great  sound,  scientific  and  successful  policy  of 
that  character  because  the  mutual  benefits  and  satisfaction 
Avould  make  our  countries  strong  and  permanent  friends 
forever. 

In  all  fairness  to  Japan,  it  should  be  stated  that  there  is 
in  that  country  a  strong  peace  and  friendship  party  as  well 
as  a  big  military  party,  and  the  former  just  now  seems  to  be 
in  control.  And  there  appears  also  to  be  a  strong  move- 
ment among  the  people  in  favor  of  changing  the  imperial 
system  so  that  splendid  and  alert  people  may  keep  abreast 
of  other  progressive  countries  and  in  accord  with  the  irre- 
sistible spirit  of  democracy  that  is  so  rapidly  spreading 
throughout  the  world. 


144 


CHAPTER  XVIIL 

GOVERNMENT  VS.  BOLSHEVISM. 

Was  the  Bible  story  true,  about  the  Spirit  of  Evil  being 
cast  to  Earth  from  Heaven,  here  to  seek  revenge  for  his 
degradation  by  inflicting  upon  mortal  man  sin  and  sorrow 
instead  of  happiness?  H  so,  he  certainly  has  been  suc- 
cessful. Within  the  human  mind  Greed,  Suspicion,  Hate, 
Envy  and  Jealousy  were  the  passions  implanted  to  be  his 
ever  ready  servants  for  making  men  do  wrong.  Anarchy, 
Violence,  Disorder,  Injustice,  Oppression,  Tyranny,  Mur- 
der, Ignorance  and  Superstition  were  his  potent  emissaries 
working  among  the  children  of  men,  stirring  trouble  and 
destroying  harmony.  From  the  cradle  of  the  race  to  the 
mighty  and  troubled  present  these  masterful  imps  of  Evil 
have  ''made  monkeys"  of  men  by  steering  them  into  com- 
plications and  dangers  that  caused  human  brothers  to  seek 
to  destroy  each  other. 

Instead  of  being  allowed  to  remain  together  and  in  one 
big,  contented,  happy  family  with  one  language  and  com- 
mon ideas,  ideals  and  aspirations,  the  human  race  was 
caused  to  split  up  into  tribes  and  races  with  different  lan- 
guages, ideas,  ideals  and  aspirations  and  then  scattered 
far  apart  over  the  face  of  the  earth  so  that  they  would  be 
strangers  to  each  other  and  later  become  mortal  and  malig- 
nant enemies.  Multiplication  of  population,  and  the  annihila- 
tion of  space  by  invention,  in  due  time  brought  these  scat- 
tered and  embittered  divisions  of  the  human  family  into 
contact  and  conflict.  The  crowning  achievement,  the  great 
final  goal  of  revenge  of  the  masterful  and  diaboliacl  Spirit 
of  Evil,  was  the  Battle  of  the  Nations,  an  Armaggon  in 
which  the  entire  human  race  was  engaged  in  mutual  ex- 
termination on  a  scale  that  in  four  years  killed  seven  mil- 
lion men,  crippled  ten  million,  beggared  hundreds  of  mil- 
US 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

lions  and  shot  away  and  wasted  a  sum  equal  to  nearly 
half  the  entire  wealth  of  the  world. 

The  Spirit  of  Good,  however,  has  also  been  at  work 
among  men.  Thought,  Reason,  Conscience,  Intelligence, 
Faith,  Hope  and  Confidence  have  been  its  gentle  and  per- 
suasive hand-maidens  housed  in  the  intellects  and  hearts  of 
men,  women  and  children  ever  trying  to  thwart  the  de- 
signs of  Evil  and  the  machinations  of  his  imps  of  pas- 
sion. In  the  outer  world  the  Spirit  of  Good  has  employed 
Religion,  Schools,  and  Government  as  its  chief  instruments 
for  resisting  the  constant  and  powerful  influences  and  en- 
croachments on  the  race  by  the  Spirit  of  Evil.  The  fruit 
of  these  agencies  of  Good  is  Civilization. 

The  Battle  of  the  Nations  was  the  supreme  attempt  of 
the  Spirit  of  Evil  to  defeat  the  Spirit  of  Good  by  the  com- 
plete and  final  destruction  of  Civilization.  The  attempt 
failed,  but  only  as  by  a  miracle.  Does  that  end  the  eternal 
struggle  between  these  two  irreconcilable  Spirits  of  the 
Almighty's  universe?  No!  Already  the  Spirit  of  Evil, 
smarting  under  his  defeat  and  profiting  by  the  experiences 
of  this  conflict,  is  planning  to  steer  mankind  into  another 
and  greater  war,  one  where  no  miracle  could  save  Civiliza- 
tion from  complete  destruction  or  the  human  race  froin 
mutual  annihilation 

DANGEROUS  INTRIGUES  AFOOT. 

The  General  Peace  Congress  now  in  session  at  Paris, 
France,  will,  by  the  plan  it  adopts,  determine  whether  the 
Spirit  of  Evil  or  the  Spirit  of  Good  is  to  finally  conquer  and 
rule  the  human  race. 

The  Spirit  of  Evil,  that  great  master  of  intrigue,  is  on 
the  job.  With  him  are  his  subtle  servants,  Suspicion,  Greed, 
Envy,  Jealousy,  and  Hate.  They  are  kindling  improper  am- 
bitions and  dangerous  national  aspirations.  They  are 
preaching  the  doctrine  of  a  sordid  and  selfish  nationalism, 
armed  to  the  teeth  and  ever  ready  to  fight  other  similarly 

146 


GOVERNMENT  vs.  BOLSHEVISM 

organized  and  armed  groups  of  the  human  family.  They 
appeal  to  national  pride  and  patriotism,  stir  false  alarms 
and  fears  as  to  the  platjs  and  purposes  of  other  peoples,  and 
thus  seek  to  not  only  preserve  the  present  forty  divisions 
of  the  human  race  with  their  forty  separate  armaments 
and  forces,  but  to  keep  them  independent  of  each  other 
and  in  more  or  less  hostile  camps.  When  it  is  proposed, 
not  that  the  various  peoples  and  races  unite  under  one  gov- 
ernment, but  that  they  remain  separate  and  apart,  each 
under  its  own  independent  national  government,  but  that 
the  nations  simply  create  a  mutual  agency  or  governmen- 
tal federation,  an  international  Nation  of  Nations,  composed 
of  and  controlled  by,  the  duly  elected  representatives  of 
the  various  nations  or  peoples,  so  that  they  can  abolish 
their  forty  frightful  and  fighting  national  armed  forces 
and  substitute  one  small  central  police  power  under  the 
control  of  their  mutual  agency  for  the  common  protection 
and  security  of  all  nations,  then  what  happens?  Instantly 
the  imps  of  Evil  cry  "Internationalism!'*  "Socialism!" 
"Bolshevism !"  "You  must  not  surrender  national  sov- 
ereignty !"  As  though  the  only  duty  of  a  "sovereignty"  is 
to  fight  to  try  to  exterminate  other  "sovereignties."  These 
cries,  of  course,  are  false,  but  they  are  effective.  Such  a 
plan  is  neither  Internationalism,  Socialism  or  Bolshevism, 
and  there  would  be  no  surrender  or  infraction  of  national 
sovereignty.  But  the  cry  stirs  prejudice  and  helps  per- 
suade Reason,  Judgment  and  Conscience  to  surrender  to 
the  seductive  wiles  of  the  imps  of  selfish  passion  by  accept- 
ing the  deadly  and  dangerous  compromise  Plan  for  which 
the  Spirit  of  Evil  is  striving  so  as  to  keep  the  road  to  more 
wars  open  and  provide  means  for  making  future  world 
conflicts  easy  and  certain. 

The  Spirit  of  Evil  is  for  a  world  alliance.  Why 
shouldn't  he  be  ?  He  knows  that  if  there  had  been  no  Triple 
alliance  and  Entente  alliance  there  would  have  been  no 
tiatnic  world  war  into  which  the  bonds  of  these  alliances 

147 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

ultimately  dragged  the  entire  human  race.  There  would 
have  been  built  no  such  gigantic  armaments  and  armies  for 
murdering  human  brothers  wholesale  and  the  destruction 
in  one  great  war  conflagration,  half  of  all  the  fruits  of  the 
toil  of  mankind  accumulated  by  six  thousand  years  of  strug- 
gle and  privation.  The  alliance  that  would  be  created  by 
the  so-called  ''constitution"  disguised  under  the  name 
"League  of  Nations"  will  answer  the  purposes  of  the  Spirit 
of  Evil  very  well.  It  preserves  the  system  of  exclusive, 
selfish,  conflicting  and  contending  ultra-nationalism  and  pre- 
vents any  effective,  efficient,  practical  and  permanent  fed- 
eration for  preventing  wars.  It  keeps  intact  forty  separate 
and  antagonistic  armed  military  and  naval  forces  under 
forty  separate,  suspicious,  envious  and  jealous  manage- 
ments. The  death  trap  is  left  open  and  set,  ready  for  the 
nations  and  peoples  to  walk  into  when  the  Spirit  of  Evil 
has  once  more  spun  his  vengeful  web  of  intrigue. 

The  one  thing  the  Spirit  of  Evil  does  not  want  is  Gov- 
ernment. That  would  establish  order,  justice  and  right 
It  would  defeat  wrong,  injustice,  oppression,  and  block 
Anarchy.  Government,  some  form  of  organized  supreme 
authority  with  a  police  power,  has  been  the  most  powerful 
instrument  used  by  the  Spirit  of  Good  throughout  all  the 
ages  to  establish  order  and  justice  and  thus  defeat  the  de- 
signs of  the  Spirit  of  Evil,  therefore  Evil  wants  no  civil- 
ized government  created  in  the  international  field  to  there 
establish  justice  and  enforce  order.  It  seeks  to  keep  the 
nations  apart  and  fighting  each  other,  instead  of  joining 
them  together  in  one  great  and  permanent  anti-war  fed- 
eration. It  is  struggling  to  prevent  the  organization  of 
such  a  mutual  Nation  of  Nations,  because  then  he  no  longer 
could  control  the  situation,  and  the  forty  national  fighting 
forces,  so  useful  to  him,  would  be  no  more. 

An  entangling  world  alliance,  where  any  one  nation 
could,  by  attacking  another,  force  all  nations  to  go  to  war, 
would  be  the  DeviFs  best  and  most  helpful  ally.     Satan 

148 


GOVERNMENT  vs.  BOLSHEVISM 

then  would  have  to  deal  with  only  one  of  the  forty  mem- 
ber-nations in  the  ''League  of  Nations"  whenever  he 
wanted  to  precipitate  world  war  and  harvest  a  fresh  crop 
of  human  souls. 

WORLD    ON   THE  BRINK. 

The  whole  world  now  is  in  a  state  of  flux,  made  so  by 
the  flames  of  war  and  the  fires  of  a  newly-born  passion 
for  universal  liberty  and  human  freedom.  All  mankind  is 
being  poured  into  the  mold  of  Fate  to  be  refashioned  for 
the  coming  new  Era. 

Whatever  prospect  there  ever  was  for  the  pacific  inaugu- 
ration of  universal  state  socialism,  including  all  peoples 
under  one  world  government,  with  the  workers  in  control, 
has  been  blasted  and  banished  by  this  war.  The  stirring  of 
national  passions,  patriotism,  prejudices  and  race  antag- 
onisms, has  made  any  such  physical  union  of  the  peoples 
impossible.  It  will  take  a  hundred  years  to  remove  these 
effects  of  four  years  of  war.  Then  again,  the  bloody  and 
insane  work  of  Bolshevism,  done  in  the  name  of  socialism 
very  largely,  has  been  an  object  lesson  so  vivid  that  it  has 
prejudiced  mankind  very  generally  against  even  those  prin- 
ciples of  social  justice  that  are  right  and  highly  desirable. 

There  is,  however,  some  prospect  of  setting  up  an  inter- 
national Nation  of  Nations  solely  for,  and  that  would,  pre- 
vent wars  between  nations  and  the  mutual  slaughter  of  the 
workers  in  bloody  battle.  That  would  enable  the  peoples 
of  each  country,  in  peace  and  security,  to  work  out  in  their 
own  way  the  social  and  political  problems  that  concern  their 
welfare  and  daily  lives.  But  there  is  strong  opposition  to 
such  a  plan  by  selfish,  sordid  and  ambitious  national  in- 
terests, and  the  plan  will  fail  and  a  dangerous  entangling 
alliance  be  substituted  unless  the  rank-and-file  of  the  people 
in  every  land  bestir  themselves  instantly  and  publicly  demand 
of  their  governments,  by  petitions  with  boots  on  them,  the 
organization  of  a  Nation  of  Nations  instead  of  an  alliance. 

149 


LEAGUE    OF    NATIONS 

If  governments  were  less  selfish  and  narrow  and  more 
wise  and  thoughtful  they  would  all  reaHze  that  the  one  thing 
most  needed,  and  the  only  thing  practical,  to  insure  the 
entire  system  of  national  governments  against  the  threat- 
ening danger  of  destruction  by  the  fastly  rising  tide  of 
international  anarchy  typified  by  the  name  Bolshevism,  is 
a  regularly  organized  international  government,  a  Nation 
of  Nations  in  which  all  orderly  nations  are  fairly  repre- 
sented, with  a  strong  central  ready-to-act  police  power  to  the 
upbuilding,  maintenance  and  management  of  which  each 
country  shall  contribute.  It  is  the  one  sure  way  to  dam 
back  the  swelling  tide  of  criminal  lawlessness  and  injustice 
that  is  succeeding  by  playing  upon  the  credulity  of  the 
ignorant  as  it  masquerades  in  the  sacred  garb  of  liberty  and 
freedom.  In  that  way  only  can  all  the  righteous  moral 
and  physical  forces  of  the  forty  separate  nations  be  eflFect- 
ively  and  permanently  combined  for  the  defense  of  civili- 
zation and  human  liberty  against  the  reactionary  forces  of 
anarchy  and  pillage  on  the  one  hand  and  the  reactionary 
powers  of  Imperial  autocracy  on  the  other.  That  is  the 
one  sure  way  to  establish  and  maintain  justice  and  perma- 
nent peace  throughout  the  world.  And  it  must  be  done 
quickly  or  it  can  not  be  done  at  all. 

Unless  statesmen  are  so  selfishly  blind  they  can  not  see 
things  perfectly  obvious  to  the  man  in  the  street,  they  soon 
will  realize  that  internationalism  of  some  kind  is  inevitable, 
and  impending  now ;  that  it  is  merely  a  choice  as  to  whether 
they  shall  have  a  beneficient  and  orderly  Nation  of  Nations, 
in  the  control  of  which  all  nations  would  share,  to  perma- 
nently insure  their  national  existence,  or  an  international 
Bolshevist  Soviet  that  would  perhaps  wipe  out  all  of  the 
nations  and  governments  in  the  world  in  a  reign  of  uni- 
versal terror  and  red  anarchy.  At  bed-rock,  those  are  the 
two  alternatives,  and  a  League  of  Nations  that  was  merely 
an  alliance  could  not  save  or  handle  the  situation  or  long 
postpone  the  inevitable.    The  choice,  and  the  grave  respons- 

150 


GOVERNMENT  vs.  BOLSHEVISM 

ibility,  rests  with  the  General  Peace  Congress  composed  of 
the  authorized  official  representatives  of  most  of  the  gov- 
ernments of  the  earth. 

May  Providence  inspire  those  men  with  courage  and  wis- 
dom to  decide  in  favor  of  a  genuine  government  and  not 
compromise  by  creating  only  an  alliance ! 


Ul 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

U.  S.  SENATE  AND  THE  LEAGUE. 

President  Wilson,  Balfour,  of  England  and  Bourgeois, 
of  France,  all  members  of  the  General  Peace  Congress,  have 
ea(h  declared  that  there  can  be  no  successful  League  of 
Nations  unless  the  United  States  is  a  member.  That  is 
undoubtedly  true.  And  it  is  also  true  that  the  United  States 
can  not  and  will  not  be  a  member  unless  the  treaty  creat- 
ing the  League  is  of  such  a  charcater  that  it  will  be  ratified 
by  the  United  States  Senate  by  the  constitutional  two-thirds 
vote. 

Thirty-three  negative  votes  of  the  total  ninety-six  mem- 
bers of  the  Senate  would  defeat  ratification  of  the  treaty, 
and  thirty-eight  members  of  that  body  have  actually  signed 
a  written  statement  that  they  never  will  vote  to  ratify  any 
treaty  creating  a  League  of  Nations  of  the  character  and 
with  the  powers  provided  for  in  the  socalled  constitution  for 
a  League  now  pending  before  the  General  Peace  Congress. 
In  fact  forty-seven  Senators,  an  actual  majority,  are  said 
to  have  declared  that  they  would  oppose  ratification. 

The  General  Peace  Congress  has  had  timely  notice  of 
the  position  of  the  United  States  Senate.  If  the  General 
Peace  Congress  persists  and  adopts  and  submits  for  rati- 
fication a  treaty  creating  a  League  of  Nations  of  the  char- 
acter now  proposed,  it  will  do  so  knowing  in  advance  that 
the  Senate  will  reject  it,  that  the  United  States  will  not 
become  a  member  of  the  League,  and  that  it  would  be  a 
failure.  So  that  course,  if  taken  by  the  General  Peace  Con- 
gress, would,  in  its  final  results,  be  the  same  as  if  such 
congress  had  refused  or  neglected  to  take  any  steps  at  all 
tor  the  creation  of  a  League  of  Nations.  The  General 
Peace  Congress  alone  then  would  be  responsible  for  leaving 
the  world  exposed  to  the  danger,  and  in  fact  the  certainty, 

152 


U.  S.  SENATE  AND  THE  LEAGUE 

of  more  world  wars  and  the  peoples  all  burdened  with  the 
absolute  necessity  of  maintaining,  if  not  increasing,  arma- 
ments and  forces  to  be  ready  when  the  next  and  greater 
conflict  shall  come. 

If  the  General  Peace  Congress,  in  the  face  of  these  cir- 
cumstances goes  ahead  and  adopts  and  submits  a  treaty 
providing  for  the  organization  of  a  League  of  Nations  of 
the  kind  now  proposed,  knowing  that  it  would  be  rejected 
by  the  Senate,  its  only  evident  purpose  would  be  to  try  to 
shift  the  blame,  for  the  failure  to  put  into  legal  force  a 
plan  to  establish  international  justice  and  prevent  future 
wars,  from  its  own  shoulders  and  put  it  upon  the  Senate 
of  the  United  States.  But  the  General  Peace  Congress 
can  not  so  shift  the  blame  for  failure,  or  evade  its  moral 
and  legal  responsibility.  It  is  the  official  duty  of  the  Gen- 
eral Peace  Congress,  and  not  the  United  States  Senate,  to 
devise  a  plan  that  would  insure  permanent  world  peace, 
and,  if  ratification  by  the  United  States  is  absolutely  essen- 
tial to  the  plan's  success,  then  it  is  the  moral  and  legal  duty 
of  the  General  Peace  Congress  to  submit  such  a  plan,  and 
only  such  a  plan,  as  would  to  a  certainty  be  ratified  by 
the  United  States  Senate. 

These  cold  and  unescapable  facts  may  be  unpalletable  to 
some,  but  they  dominate  the  situation  and  everybody  con- 
cerned must  govern  themselves  accordingly.  What  opin- 
ion one  may  have  of  the  Senators  who  have  unaltemably 
committed  themselves  on  the  matter  in  writing,  has  nothing 
to  do  with  the  case.  Those  Senators  have  both  the  power 
and  the  Constitutional  right  to  refuse  to  ratify  such  a 
treaty,  and  there  is^  not  the  slightest  doubt  that  they  will 
exercise  that  power  by  defeating  ratification,  just  as  they 
said  they  would.  And  these  men  will  control  the  situa- 
tion for  the  next  six  years  at  least  and  probably  for  the 
next  twelve  years,  because  we  have  no  parlimentary  sys- 
tem by  which  Senators  can  be  removed  from  office  before 
the  end  of  their  terms  by  any  vote  of  "Want  of  Confi- 
dence." 

153 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

It  would  be  the  most  rank  and  stupendious  gamble  of 
the  world's  entire  history,  if  the  General  Peace  Congress 
should  go  ahead  and  pass  such  a  treaty  relying  solely  on 
the  desperate  hope  that  sometime  through  the  exigencies 
of  American  politics  some  kind  of  moral  public  pressure 
could  be  exerted  that  would  induce  the  Senators  to  change 
their  openly  declared  position  and  voluntarily  vote  to  ratify 
the  treaty.  It  would,  indeed,  be  a  rank  gamble  because 
there  would  be  staked  on  the  outcome,  the  welfare  and 
safety  of  the  entire  human  race. 

The  plea  that  it  is  a  peace  treaty  and  must  be  ratified, 
notwithstanding  its  League  of  Nations  provisions,  in  order 
to  end  the  war,  would  be  without  merit  and  ineffective, 
because  the  General  Peace  Conference  knew  in  advance 
what  the  fate  of  the  treaty  would  be,  and  it  had  the  right 
and  power  to  submit  a  treaty  to  end  the  war,  one  not  con- 
taining the  League  provisions,  that  would  be  promptly 
ratified  by  the  Senate.  The  General  Peace  Congress  has 
no  right,  and  could  not,  coerce  the  United  States  into 
ratifying  an  odious  treaty  of  alliance  by  including  same  in 
the  terms  of  peace  settlement,  when  it  could  easily  divide 
the  matter  and  submit  two  treaties. 

SENATE    OPPOSITION    JUSTIFIED? 

But  is  not  the  Senate  fully  justified  in  its  refusal  to 
ratify  any  treaty  creating  a  League  of  Nations  of  the  kind 
proposed?  The  senators  believe,  and  have  a  right  to  be- 
lieve, that  the  American  people  still  have  faith  and  confi- 
dence in  the  wisdom  of  Washington,  Jefferson,  Monroe, 
Jackson,  Webster,  Clay  and  Lincoln,  when  those  great  lead- 
ers warned  the  American  people  against  ever  ensnaring 
the  republic  in  any  "entangling  alliance"  with  foreign 
nations,  such  as  the  proposed  League  of  Nations  would  be. 
The  only  reason  the  people  are  not  aroused  almost  unani- 
mously in  opposition  to  this  scheme,  is  because  they  are 
not  yet  fully  informed  of  the  dangerous  character  of  the 

154 


U.  S.  SENATE  AND  THE  LEAGUE 

plan  and  the  fact  that  the  treaty  would  create  nothing  but 
a  common  offensive  and  defensive  alliance  cleverly  camou- 
flaged with  the  attractive  name  "League  of  Nations."  But 
long  before  it  is  time  for  the  people  to  express  themselves 
or  for  the  Senate  to  act  on  the  treaty  the  American  people 
will  study  the  plan  in  detail  and  know  all  the  facts  pertaining 
to  this,  the  most  important  question  they  have  had  to  face 
since  the  Civil  War  if  not  since  the  nation  was  born. 

In  these  dominant  and  conclusive  circumstances,  would 
it  not  be  the  part  of  wisdom  and  prudence  for  the  General 
Peace  Congress  to  formulate  a  plan  that  would  meet  the 
approval  instead  of  stirring  the  bitter  and  relentless  and 
successful  opposition  of  the  United  States  Senate  and  the 
American  people?  Any  kind  of  alliance  is  out  of  the  ques- 
tion. America  simply  will  not  have  it.  But  the  Ameri- 
can people  are  generous  and  want  to  help  the  peoples  of 
the  world  in  their  extremity,  and  even  the  nations  of 
Europe  in  their  dire  need.  They  are  by  no  means  anxious 
to  concern  themselves  in  the  titanic  and  dangerous  troubles 
of  other  lands  and  would  much  prefer  to  stay  at  home 
and  look  after  only  the  American  continent  under  the  Mon- 
roe Doctrine. 

The  United  States,  however,  is  ready  to  play  its  part 
in  the  settlement  of  world  problems  without  thought 
of  reward  or  selfish  advantage.  But  it  should  not  be  asked 
to  make  these  sacrifices,  chiefly  for  the  benefit  of  other 
nations  and  peoples,  under  any  odious  alliance  plan  that 
would  involve  the  republic  in  indefinite  and  undetermined 
liabilities  and  dangers;  and  if  it  is  asked  to  do  so  it  cer- 
tanly  would  refuse.  The  American  people  do  not  dictate 
to  the  General  Peace  Congress  or  to  other  nations  as  to 
the  plan  they  shall  adopt,  but  they  do  say,  and  have  the 
moral  and  legal  right  to  say,  that  the  United  States  will 
join  no  League  of  Nations  that  is  a  mere  alliance;  and 
that  if  the  other  nations  need  and  must  have,  as  is  claimed, 
the  active  support  of  the  United   States,  then  they  must 

155 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

change  the  plan  and  create  an  international  organization 
of  a  character  the  American  people  would  consider  to  be 
safe  to  join  and  effective  for  establishing  justice  and  pre- 
venting future  wars. 

The  people  of  the  United  States  fully  undertsand,  and 
have  entire  faith  in,  the  safety,  soundness,  fairness  and 
practical  efficiency  of  genuine  representative  government. 
No  doubt  they  would  be  entirely  willing  and  ready  to  take 
their  chances  and  play  their  part  on  even  terms  along  with 
the  other  great  nations  of  the  world  by  helping  to  create 
and  permanently  manage  a  governmental  Nation  of 
Nations,  in  which  all  orderly  countries  were  represented 
on  an  agreed  fair  basis,  to  federate  the  peoples  of  the  world 
and  their  power  and  moral  influence  for  the  one  and  only 
purpose  of  establishing  and  maintaining  international  jus- 
tice and  preventing  future  wars  between  nations. 

It  is  up  to  the  General  Peace  Congress  to  decide 
whether  it  prefers  to  create  a  world  alliance  with  the 
United  States  refusing  to  be  a  party  to  it,  or  a  mutual 
Nation  of  Nations  with  the  United  States  duly  represented 
therein  and  cordially  supporting  the  plan. 

Or,  whether  it  considers  it  wise  or  safe  to  disappoint 
and  perhaps  anger  the  great  masses  of  the  world's  peoples 
by  adjourning  sine  die  without  providing  to  a  certainty  any 
workable  and  acceptable  League  of  Nations  to  establish  in- 
ternational justice  and  prevent  future  world  wars. 


156 


APPENDIX 

TIME  FOR  ACTION! 

Only  the  pressure  of  the  world's  peoples  can  now  save 
the  situation  and  prevent  a  fatal  miscarriage  of  Justice  at  the 
General  Peace  Congress.  The  rank  and  file  in  every  land 
should  act  powerfully  and  at  once,  or  all  may  be  lost  and 
the  workers  and  others  left  exposed  to  mutual  butchery 
during  insane  future  wars.  Americans  especially  should 
act,  and  act  quickly.  They  should  warn  Paris  that  America 
will  refuse  an  Alliance  but  support  a  Government. 

There  is  no  time  for  formal  organization.  Each  patriotic 
person  should  immediately  constitute  himself  or  herself  a 
committee  of  one  to  prepare,  have  signed  with  names  and 
addresses  of  friends  and  neighbors,  a  memorial  and  then 
mail  it  direct  to  "General  Peace  Congress,  Paris,  France." 
If  copies  of  these  lists  are  mailed  to  author  "Alfred  Owen 
Crozier,  140  Cedar  Street,  New  York  City,**  they  will  be 
used  to  start  a  great  "Nation  of  Nations  League,"  if  that 
becomes  necessary. 

Each  person  should  write  a  dozen  letters  to  friends  in 
other  places  or  countries  urging  them  to  read  and  study  the 
two  pending  plans  and  circulate  petitions.  That  would  start 
an  endless  chain  for  good  that  should  literally  smother  the 
General  Peace  Congress  with  the  protests  and  petitions  of  a 
million  patriots  every  week.  Statesmen  could  not  evade  or 
long  resist  the  determined  pressure  of  such  multitudes.  It 
is  a  great  opportunity  to  prove  that  the  people  can  and  do 
rule  this  world.  But  it  is  time  to  act!  Even  minutes  now 
are  precious. 

The  great  patriotic  public  press  of  the  country  can  ren- 
der a  splendid  service  to  mankind  by  actively  helping  such 
a  movement.  The  people  should  fill  the  papers  every  day 
with  letters  on  this  great  question. 

157 


LEAGUE    OF    NATIONS 

The  following  may  be  copied  as  a  form  for  head  of  the 
Memorial  petition : 

"To  the  General  Peace  Congress : 

"The  undersigned,  inhabitants  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  protest  against  a  foreign  Alliance  of  any  kind 
and  earnestly  favor  creation  of  an  International  Gov- 
ernment or  Nation  of  Nations  to  establish  and  maintain 
Justice  and  prevent  wars  between  nations. 

State Town 


Names. 


Addresses. 


NATION  OF  NATIONS  CONSTITUTION 

The  following  draft  of  a  Supreme  Constitution  for  a 
limited  mternational  government  called  "Nation  of  Na- 
tions," to  be  mutually  organized  and  controlled  by  duly 
appointed  representatives  of  all  nations,  for  the  one  object 
of  preventing  international  wars  and  disorder,  was  written 
by  the  author  of  this  book  and  plan  in  the  early  part  of  the 
year  1915  and  published  in  his  volume  "Nation  of  Nations." 

The  only  changes  made  now  in  that  former  draft  are 
printed  in  italics.  Of  course  it  was  and  is  tentative  and 
subject  to  such  modifications  and  changes  as  the  Congress 
of  Nations  may  deem  best. 

Would  not  such  a  simple,  but  governmentally  regular, 
form  of  mutual  Nation  of  Nations,  legally  controlled  and 
guided  by  such  a  plain,  definite  and  fair  Constitution,  be 
more  practical,  efficient,  safe  and  satisfactory  to  all  reason- 
able countries  than  the  dangerous  "entangling"  world  Alli- 
ance proposed  in  the  Constitution  now  under  consideration 

158 


APPENDIX 

by  the  General  Peace  Congress  at  Paris,  France?  It  must 
be  one  or  the  other,  because  to  do  nothing  might  endanger 
the  very  existence  of  orderly  government  in  the  world. 
Which  shall  it  be? 

Every  patriotic  reader  is  earnestly  invited  to  study  the 
Constitution  for  a  so-called  "League  of  Nations,"  printed 
in  Chapter  XVI,  and  then  study  the  following  Supreme 
Constitution  for  a  genuine  Nation  of  Nations ;  also  com- 
pare and  contrast  the  two  radically  different  plans  set  forth 
in  those  documents.  Which  seems  to  be  the  more  clear, 
plain,  simple,  efficient,  practical,  sound,  safe  and  satisfac- 
tory? 

"Language  is  the  instrument  with  which  men  conceal 
their  thoughts,"  is  a  statement  said  to  have  been  made  by 
Gladstone,  the  illustrious  father  of  Lord  Robert  Cecil,  the 
reputed  author  of  the  Paris  "constitution."  No  doubt 
many  thoughts  and  purposes  are  concealed  in  the  prolific 
language  of  that  document,  and  not  disclosed  by  the  hurried 
legal  ex-ray  analysis  in  this  book. 

If  the  family  of  nations  is  ever  to  be  governed  by  law 
and  civilized  government  instead  of  injustice,  force  and 
anarchy,  a  Nation  of  Nations  with  a  Constitution  of  this 
character  must  be  organized.  Why  not  do  it  now?  Why 
wait  for  a  greater  war  to  compel  such  action? 

The  following  is  the  proposed  Nation  of  Nations 
Supreme  Constitution : 


159 


NATION  OF  NATIONS. 
SUPREME  CONSTITUTION. 

PREAMBLE 

Led  by  Providence  and  impelled  by  the  recent  experience 
of  war  that  involved  nine-tenths  of  the  entire  human  race 
directly  and  the  other  tenth  indirectly,  the  nations  of  the 
world  participating  in  this  action  have  resolved  to  co-operate 
with  each  other  as  herein  provided  to  abolish  armed  con- 
flicts between  nations ;  establish,  maintain,  and  enforce  inter- 
national peace;  promote  justice,  concord,  and  friendship 
between  nations,  governments,  peoples,  and  races,  and 
thereby  increase  the  safety,  liberty,  intelligence,  happiness, 
and  general  welfare  of  all  mankind. 

To  accomplish  and  insure  those  high  objects,  the  nations 
of  the  world,  assembled  in  a  Congress  of  Nations,  have, 
and  hereby  do,  firmly  and  permanently  create  and  establish 
a  new,  independent,  sovereign,  and  internationally  suprehie 
representative  power,  nation,  and  gpvernment  with .  the 
name,  jurisdiction,  powers,  limitations,  and  duties  set  forth 
in  this  supreme  constitution,  with  power  to  make  treaties 
with  other  nations.  This  Preamble  shall  he  legally  a  part 
of  the  Constitution. 

ARTICLE  I 
NAME  AND  POLICY 

Section  1.  The  name  of  the  nation  and  government 
hereby  created  shall  be  "Nation  of  Nations";  and  it  shall 
possess  and  exercise  all  of  the  usual  powers  and  duties  in- 
cident to  national  sovereignty  except  as  same  are  changed, 
modified,  limited,  or  defined  herein. 

Section  2.  The  normal  condition  of  human  society  being 
peace,  it  is  a  supreme  right  of  mankind  as  a  whole  to  enjoy 
the  blessings  of  universal  peace  free  from  the  dangers  or 

160 


APPENDIX 

menace  of  international  armed  conflicts.  The  obligation 
of  each  nation  to  other  nations  and  to  humanity  to  help 
maintain  the  world's  international  peace  for  the  good  of 
all  nations  and  peoples  is  hereby  declared  to  be  primary 
and  supreme.  Any  nation  that  does  not  accept  or  con- 
form to  the  above  declared  supreme  policy  shall  be  con- 
sidered irregular  in  the  family  of  nations  and  subject  to 
surveillance  and  regulation  by  the  Nation  of  Nations  in 
accordance  with  the  provisions  of  this  constitution. 

Any  act  or  threat  of  armed  international  aggression, 
made  without  the  express  formal  approval  of  the  Nation  of 
Nations,  shall  forever  he  a  high  crime  against  the  rights  and 
welfare  of  all  nations,  and  nations  and  individuals  found 
guilty  of  that  offence  in  the  courts  of  the  Nation  of  Nations 
shall  he  liable  to  punishment  according  to  its  laws.  Extra^ 
dition  of  such  persons  for  trial  or  punishment  shall  he . 
compulsory  on  all  nations. 

Section  3.  The  Nation  of  Nations  shall  forever  recog- 
nize and  observe  the  sovereign  right  of  each  civilized, 
orderly,  supporting  nation  or  country  to — 

(a)  Exclusively  control  as  to  all  matters  within  its  own 
territorial  boundaries  and  possessions  where  the  legal  rights 
of  other  nations  or  their  citizens,  subjects,  or  inhabitants 
are  not  involved. 

(b)  Regulate,  except  as  otherwise  herein  provided,  the 
terms  and  conditions  on  which  any  alien  shall  be  admitted 
to  its  territory,  and  determine  the  privileges  aliens  shall 
enjoy  while  in  such  territory. 

(c)  Exclusively  determine  the  rates,  terms,  and  condi- 
tions on  which  foreign  commerce  shall  be  admitted  to  its 
markets  or  territory  so  long  as  same  are  applied  and  en- 
forced impartially  and  without  discrimination  between 
supporting  nations. 

Section  4.  Each  civilized,  orderly  nation  with  more 
than  two  million  population  that  was  represented  in  and 

161 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

officially  approves,  accepts,  and  ratifies,  within  a  reasonable 
time,  the  creation  and  establishing  of  the  Nation  of  Nations, 
and  this  constitution,  shall  be  deemed  a  supporting  nation 
of  the  Nation  of  Nations,  and  as  such  entitled  to  repre- 
sentation therein  as  hereinafter  provided  while  such  sup- 
porting nation  remains  in  good  standing. 

Any  other  civilized,  orderly  nation  with  more  than  two 
million  population  may  apply  for  admission  to  representa- 
tion; and  when  duly  accepted  and  admitted  shall  also  be 
deemed  a  supporting  nation,  with  like  effect,  privileges,  and 
duties. 

Section  5.  Any  supporting  nation  shall  cease  to  be  in 
good  standing,  and  at  the  option  of  the  Nation  of  Nations 
shall  forfeit  its  right  to  representation  in  and  to  enjoy  the 
benefits  of  the  Nation  of  Nations,  and  may  be  suspended 
or  expelled  or  otherwise  dealt  with,  whenever  such  sup- 
porting nation  shall — 

(a)  Neglect  or  refuse,  without  being  excused,  to  pay 
within  one  year,  after  it  is  due  and  demanded,  any  police 
power  tax  lawfully  levied  against  it  by  the  Nation  of 
Nations. 

(b)  Neglect  or  refuse,  without  being  excused,  for  a 
period  of  two  years,  to  be  represented  in  the  Nation  of 
Nations  as  herein  provided. 

(c)  Neglect  or  refuse  to  comply  with  the  provisions  of 
Ihis  constitution  and  the  lawful  orders  and  laws  of  the 
Nation  of  Nations,  or  shall  fail  to  further,  in  every  reason- 
able way  by  moral  means  and  influence  in  all  sincerity  and 
honor,  the  high  purposes  and  objects  set  forth  in  this 
constitution. 

(d)  Threaten  or  engage  in  any  armed  conflict  with 
another  nation  without  the  express  approval  of  the  Nation 
of  Nations  first  obtained,  except  such  conflict  be  to  defend 
itself  when  wrongfully  attacked  by  another  nation. 

162 


APPENDIX 

ARTICLE   II 

JURISDICTION. 

Section  1.  The  Jurisdiction  of  the  Nation  of  Nations 
shall  be  of  three  kinds,  namely:  (a)  General  Jurisdiction; 
(b)  Special  Jurisdiction;  (c)  Police  Power  Jurisdiction; 
and  such  Jurisdictions,  respectively,  as  to  their  powers, 
duties,  character,  extent,  conditions,  and  limitations,  shall 
be  as  hereinafter  provided. 

Section  2.  Its  General  Jurisdiction  shall  be  as  to  all 
supporting  corporate  nations  that  shall  have  become  quali- 
fied hereunder  for  representation  in  the  Nation  of  Nations, 
and  not  over  the  citizens,  subjects,  or  inhabitants  of  such 
nations  or  any  specific  empire  or  territory;  and,  subject  to 
the  provisions  hereof,  throughout  all  future  time  the  Na- 
tion of  Nations  in  all  things  shall  be  impartial  and  just  and 
in  no  way  discriminate  between  supporting  nations  in  good . 
standing  in  the  exercise  of  the  sacred  duties,  privileges,  and 
powers  hereby  entrusted  to  its  honor.  Provided,  the  juris- 
diction as  to  supporting  nations  shall  be  only  as  to  those 
matters  and  such  powers  as  are  expressly  granted  to  the 
Nation  of  Nations  by  such  supporting  nations  in  this  consti- 
tution; all  other  pozvers  are  expressly  reserved  to  the  sup- 
porting nations. 

Section  3.     Its  Special  Jurisdiction  shall  be  over — 

(a)  All  high  seas  and  waters  of  the  world  more  than 
three  marine  miles  from  the  exterior  boundaries  of  the  law- 
ful territories  and  possessions  of  all  organized  sovereign 
nations ;  such  Jurisdiction  to  be  sovereign  and  exclusive. 

(b)  All  the  lands  of  the  world  not  now  owned  by  any 
organized  nation  or  state,  such  Jurisdiction  to  be  sovereign 
and  exclusive ;  and  when  any  such  lands  shall  be  adequately 
populated  with  civilized  inhabitants  capable  of  establish- 
ing and  maintaining  self-government,  such  a  government 
shall  be  created  and  maintained  under  the  protecting  shelter 
and  counsel  of  the  Nation  of  Nations. 

(c)  All  territory  or  parts  of  territory  owned  or  pos- 

163 


LEAGUE    OF    NATIONS 

sessed  by  any  organized  nation  and  in  which  civiHzed, 
orderly  government  and  safety  of  human  life  has  ceased 
to  exist;  such  Jurisdiction,  however,  shall  only  be  in  trust 
and  temporary,  the  powers  of  government  to  be  restored 
to  the  inhabitants  when  orderly  government  and  a  state  of 
safety  have  been  reestablishd. 

(d)  Territory  or  parts  of  territory  accepted  when  vol- 
untarily and  lawfully  ceded,  transferred,  or  leased  to  the 
Nation  of  Nations  by  the  formal  action  of  the  regularly 
constituted  government  of  any  organized  nation  or  country 
or  with  the  approval  of  a  majority  of  its  voting  inhabitants 
and  the  civilized  inhabitants  of  such  territory  shall,  when 
qualified,  be  granted  the  largest  measure  of  self-government 
consistent  with  their  character  and  intelligence  and  the 
world's  welfare. 

(e)  All  territory  or  parts  of  territory  or  waters  accepted 
when  ceded,  transferred,  or  leased  to  the  Nation  of  Nations 
in  compliance  with,  or  by  reason  or  operation  of  any  lawful 
award  rendered  in  an  arbitration  respecting  such  territory 
or  waters,  to  which  those  interested  are  voluntary  parties. 

(f)  All  property,  rights,  easements,  franchises,  territory, 
waters,  straits,  harbors,  fortresses,  and  places  of  naval, 
military,  or  other  value  deemed  by  the  Nation  of  Nations 
to  be  needed  to  enable  it  to  properly  carry  out  its  constitu- 
tional purposes,  powers,  and  objects  or  for  its  principal 
seat  of  government  or  its  agencies,  and  which  it  may  accept 
when  acquired  by  voluntary  gift,  grant,  lease,  or  purchase 
by  mutual  agreement  from  the  nation  or  country  owning 
or  possessing  same  or  by  lawful  arbitration  award  or  with 
the  formal  approval  of  three-fourths  of  the  representatives 
of  the  supporting  nations  or  under  the  peace  terms  or  other 
agreement  between  warring  or  disputing  nations  in  dis- 
posing of  the  prizes  or  fruits  of  war  or  property  or  terri- 
tory in  controversy;  the  Jurisdiction  in  all  such  cases  shall 
be  sovereign  and  exclusive  except  as  same  may  be  modified 
or  limited  by   the   express   provisions   of    such   purchase, 

164 


APPENDIX 

gift,    grant,    lease,    agreement,    award,    approval,    or   peace 
terms. 

Section  4.  The  Police  Power  Jurisdiction  of  the  Na- 
tion of  Nations  shall  extend  throughout  the  world,  but 
only  for  the  following  purposes  : 

(a)  To  prevent,  suppress,  or  regulate  armed  conflicts 
between  sovereign  nations  and  to  promote  or  guard  the 
peace  of  the  world. 

(b)  To  prevent,  suppress,  or  regulate  armed  conflicts 
between  a  sovereign  nation  and  a  portion  of  the  inhabi- 
tants of  another  nation  or  country  or  between  the  inhabi- 
tants of  parts  of  two  or  more  nations  or  countries. 

(c)  To  restrain,  regulate,  or  punish  any  sovereign  nation 
or  country  that,  without  the  express  approval  of  the  Nation 
of  Nations  first  obtained,  threatens  or  wages  or  permits  its 
inhabitants  to  wage  a  war  of  aggression  against  another 
sovereign  nation  or  country  or  the  inhabitants  thereof,  or 
that  initiates  and  commits  any  unauthorized  act  of  inter- 
national hostility. 

(d)  To  support  with  arms  or  otherwise  any  sovereign 
nation  or  country  wrongfully  attacked  by  another  sovereign 
nation  or  country;  and  if  the  wrongfully  attacked  nation 
be  one  of  the  supporting  nations  in  good  standing,  it  shall 
be  the  duty  of  the  Nation  of  Nations  to  come  to  the  assist- 
ance of  such  supporting  nation  with  arms  or  otherwise  in 
accordance  with  the  constitution,  laws,  regulations,  and 
orders  of  the  Nation  of  Nations. 

(e)  To  invite  and  authorize  other  sovereign  nations  to 
support  the  Nation  of  Nations  in  any  emergency  with  mili- 
tary and  naval  forces  or  otherwise  in  exercising  its  legal 
powers  or  in  carrying  out  its  lawful  purposes;  but  it  shall 
have  no  power  to  require  or  compel  such  armed  support. 

(f)  To  authorize  and  regulate  and  license  the  use  or 
occupancy  of  the  high  seas  and  other  waters  and  territories 
under  its  Jurisdiction  by  other  nations  and  countries  and 
their  citizens,  subjects,  or  inhabitants;  and  all  supporting 

165 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

nations  in  good  standing  shall  enjoy  such  use  and  occu- 
pancy on  equal  terms  and  conditions. 

(g)  To  execute  and  enforce  the  constitution  and  law- 
ful orders,  laws,  decisions,  awards,  or  decrees  of  the  Nation 
of  Nations  or  its  legally  authorized  courts  or  tribunals. 

(h)  To  require  admission  of  its  representatives,  officers, 
agents,  and  forces  into  any  part  of  the  territory,  posses- 
sions, and  waters  of  any  nation  or  country  for  the  purpose 
of  lawful  investigation  and  legal  carrying  out  its  constitu- 
tional functions,  powers,  purposes,  objects,  and  duties,  in- 
cluding the  protection  of  the  lives  of  citizens,  subjects,  or 
inhabitants  of  other  nations  therein;  but  the  Nation  of 
Nations  in  no  way  shall  impair  the  sovereignty  or  inde- 
pendence or  territorial  integrity,  or  interfere  in  the  domes- 
tic, political,  educational,  religious,  social,  industrial  finan- 
cial, commercial,  revenue,  or  business  affairs,  of  any  sup- 
porting nation. 

(i)  To  regulate,  restrict,  and  reduce  as  herein  provided 
the  size  and  character  of  military  and  naval  armaments, 
works,  and  forces  of  the  various  nations  of  the  world,  same 
to  be  done  so  far  as  practicable  in  a  way  to  maintain  sub- 
stantially the  present  comparative  naval  and  military 
strength  and  efficiency  as  between  such  nations,  except  that 
any  nation  may  voluntarily  further  reduce  its  said  strength 
or  efficiency  at  will;  and  hereafter  no  nation  shall  at  any 
time  increase  its  military  or  naval  establishment,  strength, 
or  efficiency,  or  offensive  or  defensive  works  or  forces,  or 
permit  same  to  be  done  without  first  obtaining  the  express 
authorization  of  the  Nation  of  Nations,  and  then  only  as 
so  authorized. 

(j)  To  require  the  immediate  surrender  and  permanent 
delivery  to  the  Nation  of  Nations  by  gift,  grant,  or  lease 
with  nominal  rental,  by  each  nation  of  the  world  of  one 
half  of  its  naval  and  auxiliary  vessels  and  equipment  of 
each  class,  character,  value,  and  efficiency,  of  its  military 
property,  arms,  munitions,  and  equipment;  and  on  request 

166 


APPENDIX 

of  the  Nation  of  Nations  each  nation  shall  provide  at  nomi- 
nal rental  for  not  exceeding  thirty  years,  suitable  storage 
and  other  facilities  within  the  borders  of  such  nation  for 
the  custody,  care,  and  handling  by  the  Nation  of  Nations 
of  such  property  and  additions  thereto,  and  in  every  rea- 
sonable way  shall  co-operate  with  and  further  the  lawful 
purposes  of  the  Nation  of  Nations;  any  nation,  however, 
may  at  its  option  so  surrender  and  deliver  more  than  one 
half  of  its  property  of  the  above  character  to  the  Nation 
of  Nations  on  such  terms  and  conditions  as  may  be  mu- 
tually agreed  upon. 

(k)  To  create,  organize,  maintain,  regulate,  reduce,  or 
abolish  any  of  its  military,  naval,  police,  and  other  executive 
forces,  and  to  accept  voluntary  enlistments  therein  of  citi- 
zens, subjects,  and  inhabitants  of  any  nation  or  country  on 
terms  and  conditions  fixed  and  required  by  the  Nation  of 
Nations,  and  to  compel  performance  of  such  terms  and  con- 
ditions ;  and  such  armaments  and  forces  never  shall  be 
employed  or  used  for  any  purpose  not  expressly  authorized 
by  this  constitution  or  by  lawful  orders,  laws,  awards,  deci- 
sions, or  decrees  of  the  Nation  of  Nations  or  its  legally 
authorized  branches,  courts,  tribunals,  officers,  or  repre- 
sentatives. 

Provided,  that  the  military  or  naval  forces  of  the  Nation 
of  Nations  shall  not  at  any  time  include  nationals  of  any  one. 
supporting  nation  in  amount  greater  than  one-fifth  of  the 
total  of  such  forces  zvithout  the  express  formal  approval  of 
the  Supreme  Senate  by  three-fourths  vote;  and  no  support- 
ing nation  shall  be  required  to  conscript  its  subjects  or  citi- 
:::cns,  but  its  quota  shall  be  supplied  only  from  those  who 
may  voluntarily  enlist  for  such  service. 

(1)  To  impose  and  collect  from  any  nation  or  country 
against  which  the  police  power  of  the  Nation  of  Nations 
has  been  lawfully  used  all  or  part  of  the  cost  of  such  action ; 
and  also  any  special  pecuniary  or  other  penalty  approved  by 

167 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

the  wSupreme  Senate  by  the  affirmative  vote  of  three-fourths 
of  all  its  regular  members. 

(m)  To  impose  and  collect  from  the  supporting  nations 
whenever  needed  by  the  Nation  of  Nations  for  its  lawful 
purposes  or  expenses,  a  general  or  special  police  power  tax, 
provided  that  any  such  tax  shall  be  approved  by  the  Su- 
preme Senate  by  two-thirds  vote  and  be  apportioned  between 
the  supporting  nations  on  the  basis  of  their  authorized 
representation  respectively  in  the  Supreme  Senate.  The 
Supreme  Senate  in  the  interest  of  justice  or  mercy  may  by 
two-thirds  vote  excuse,  modify,  remit,  or  cancel  any  police 
power  tax  imposed  on  any  supporting  nation,  or  postpone 
its  collection. 

ARTICLE  III 
ORGANIZATION 

Section  1.  The  government  of  the  Nation  of  Nations 
shall  consist  of  four  co-ordinate  branches — executive,  ad- 
ministrative, legislative,  and  judicial;  and  each  branch 
exclusively  shall  exercise  its  own  functions  and  powers 
except  as  herein  otherwise  provided. 

Section  2.  The  executive  branch  shall  consist  of  a 
Supreme  President.  The  administrative  branch  shall  con- 
sist of  a  Supreme  Council,  its  regular  members  being 
Supreme  Councilors.  The  legislative  branch  shall  consist 
of  a  Supreme  Senate,  its  regular  members  being  Supreme 
Senators.  The  judicial  branch  shall  consist  of  a  General 
Supreme  Court,  its  members  being  Supreme  Justices  and  its 
presiding  officer  Supreme  Chief  Justice. 

Section  3.  There  shall  be  the  following  supreme  min- 
isters at  the  head  and  in  charge  of  the  various  departments, 
acting  under  control  of  the  Supreme  Council: 

Supreme  Minister  of  Peace,  who  shall  be  the  chief  min- 
ister of  government  and  in  charge  of  international  relations 
and  diplomacy. 

Supreme  Minister  of  Business. 

168 


APPENDIX 

Supreme  Minister  of  Justice. 
Supreme  Minister  of  Laws. 
Supreme  Minister  of  Finance. 
Supreme  Minister  of  Human  Welfare. 
Supreme  Minister  of  Works  and  Waterways. 
Supreme  Minister  of  the  Navy. 
Supreme  Minister  of  War. 

No  person  shall  hold  two  offices  or  receive  two  sal- 
aries, except  that  members  of  the  Senate,  Council,  or  Gen- 
eral Supreme  Court  may  also  serve  as  Ministers,  but  while 
doing  so  shall  receive  salary  as  Minister  only.  Ministers 
shall  be  ex-officio  voting  members  of  the  Supreme  Council 
and  also  shall  have  right  to  a  seat  and  a  voice  in  the 
Supreme  Senate,  but  no  vote  unless  they  are  regular  mem- 
bers of  that  body. 

Section  4.  Each  official,  representative,  agent,  and 
employee  of  the  Nation  of  Nations  shall  make  the  follow- 
ing official  oath  or  declaration : 

"In  the  presence  of  the  great  Architect  of  the 
Universe,  the  supreme  guardian  of  the  peace  of 
nations  and  the  welfare  of  humanity,  I  hereby 
pledge  unending  loyalty  to  the  Nation  of  Nations 
and  its  high  purposes,  and  on  my  honor  as  a  su- 
preme citizen  bind  myself  to  forever  observe,  sup- 
port, maintain,  and  defend  its  constitution,  laws, 
and  lawful  orders." 

ARTICLE   IV 

THE  EXECUTIVE  BRANCH 

Section  1.  The  executive  functions  and  powers  shall  be 
exercised  by  the  Supreme  President  exclusively,  except  as 
otherwise  herein  provided.  He  shall  be  commander-in- 
chief  of  the  Army  and  Navy,  and,  with  the  advice  and  con- 
sent of  the  Supreme  Council,  shall  appoint  all  officials 
authorized  by  the  constitution  or  by  law,  except  as  other- 
wise herein  provided ;  and,  with  the  approval  of  the  Su- 

169 


LEAGUE     OF     NATIONS 

preme  Council,  he  may  any  time  dismiss  without  stated 
cause  any  official  he  is  hereby  authorized  to  appoint  except 
uSupreme  Justices.  All  such  appointments  and  dismissals, 
and  every  official  act  of  the  Supreme  President,  shall  be 
subject  to  ratification,  rejection,  revision,  or  substitution 
by  the  Supreme  Council;  and  the  Supreme  Council  shall 
have  authority,  by  two-thirds  vote,  to  require  the  Supreme 
President  to  perform  any  lawful  official  act  it  may  direct. 

Section  2.  The  Supreme  President  shall  declare  formal 
war  against  any  nation,  or  authorize  one  nation  to  wage 
formal  war  against  another  nation,  only  when  instructed 
to  do  so  by  the  Supreme  Senate  by  two-thirds  vote. 

When  directed  by  the  Supreme  Council  by  two-thirds 
vote,  the  Supreme  President  shall  order  and  employ  the 
armed  and  other  executive  forces  and  agencies  of  the  Na- 
tion of  Nations  informally  to  execute  its  constitutional 
duties  and  police  powers  and  to  enforce  any  lawful  order, 
law,  decree,  decision,  or  award  of  the  Nation  of  Nations 
or  its  lawful  courts  or  tribunals;  provided,  that  the  Su- 
preme Senate  by  two-thirds  vote  may  suspend,  stop,  alter, 
amend,  or  reverse  any  such  action. 

Section  3.  The  Supreme  President  and  three  Supreme 
Vice-Presidents  shall  be  elected  and  may  be  dismissed  with- 
out stated  cause  or  be  impeached  for  cause  by  two-thirds 
vote  of  the  Supreme  Senate.  Vacancies  in  such  offices 
shall  be  filled  in  the  same  manner  within  two  years.  The 
Vice-Presidents  as  such  shall  have  no  executive  authority; 
but  they  shall  be  ex-officio  voting  members  of  the  Supreme 
Council. 

Section  4.  One  of  the  Supreme  Vice-Presidents  shall 
be  designated  by  two-thirds  vote  of  the  Supreme  Council 
to  be  "Acting  Supreme  President'*,  with  full  executive  au- 
thority, during  any  unfilled  vacancy  in  the  office  of  Supreme 
President  or  while  the  Supreme  President  is  incapacitated 
by  sickness  or  absence,  not  exceeding  two  years  at  one 
time ;  and  the  Supreme  Council  by  like  two-thirds  vote  may 

170 


APPENDIX 

substitute  one  Supreme  Vice-President  for  another  as  such 
Acting  Supreme  President.  No  Vice-President  shall  exer- 
cise his  privileges  as  ex-officio  member  of  the  Supreme 
Council  while  he  is  Acting  Supreme  President. 

Section  5.  A  Supreme  President  shall  be  ineligible  for 
re-election,  but  may  be  elected  or  appointed  to  any  other 
office  except  Supreme  Vice-President.  The  office  of  Past 
Supreme  President  is  hereby  created,  and  shall  automatically 
be  occupied  by  each  former  Supreme  President  so  long  as 
he  lives  except  during  the  time  he  may  occupy  a  different 
office,  and  unless  impeached  for  cause  while  in  office;  and 
such  Past  Supreme  Presidents  shall  be  non-voting  ex-officio 
members  of  the  Supreme  Senate. 

Section  6.  The  regular  governmental  term  of  all  offi- 
cials shall  be  seven  years,  subject  to  the  provisions  hereof. 
The  first  term,  however,  shall  begin  on  the  organization 
of  the  Nation  of  Nations  and  end  October  thirty-first  in  the 
year  A.  D.  1925.  Any  official  other  than  Supreme  Justice, 
Supreme  Senator,  Supreme  Councilor,  Supreme  President, 
and  Supreme  Vice-President,  and  any  representative,  agent, 
or  employee  of  the  Nation  of  Nations  may  be  dismissed 
without  stated  cause  any  time  by  the  branch,  official,  or  de- 
partment authorized  to  elect,  appoint,  or  employ  same,  or 
may  be  dismissed  without  stated  cause  or  impeached  for 
cause  by  order  of  the  Supreme  Senate  passed  by  two-thirds 
vote,  or  as  otherwise  herein  provided.  No  person  shall  be 
an  official  of  the  Nation  of  Nations  except  while  a  supreme 
citizen  of  the  Nation  of  Nations. 

Section  7.  Each  branch  and  department  of  the  govern- 
ment, except  as  herein  otherwise  provided,  may  employ  and 
dismiss  its  own  agents,  representatives,  and  employees  and 
prescribe  the  duties,  conditions  of  service,  and  compensa- 
tion, subject  to  approval,  rejection,  substitution,  or  amend- 
ment by  the  Supreme  Council. 

The  salaries  of  all  officials  shall  be  fixed  or  revised  by 
the  Supreme  Council,  subject  to  the  right  of  the  Supreme 

171 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

Senate  to  change  same  by  two-thirds  vote  within  two  years 
after  official  notice  of  such  action  has  been  given. 

Section  8.  The  Supreme  President,  in  person  or  by  his 
legislative  secretaries,  may  approve  or  veto  any  Act  of  the 
Supreme  Senate  within  thirty  days  after  its  passage.  If 
an  Act  is  not  so  approved  or  vetoed,  or  is  again  passed  by 
two-thirds  vote  of  the  Supreme  Senate  within  thirty  days 
after  such  veto,  it  shall  become  law. 

Section  9.  Every  civilized,  intelligent,  law-abiding,  and 
peaceful  citizen,  subject,  or  inhabitant,  male  or  female,  of 
any  of  the  supporting  nations  in  good  standing  with  and 
represented  in  the  Nation  of  Nations,  and  every  person  of 
that  character  who  is  an  inhabitant  of  territory  or  waters 
as  to  which  the  Nation  of  Nations  has  general  or  special 
jurisdiction  and  who  is  a  citizen  or  subject  of  no  other 
nation,  shall  be  deemed  a  Supreme  Citizen  of  the  Nation  of 
Nations,  and  as  such  entitled  to  all  of  the  privileges  and 
duties  of  citizenship;  such  supreme  citizenship,  however, 
shall  be  automatically  forfeited  on  loss  of  any  of  said  quali- 
fications or  when  the  nation  of  such  person  ceases  to  be  a 
supporting  nation  in  good  standing  with  the  Nation  of 
Nations. 

ARTICLE   V 

THE  ADMINISTRATIVE  BRANCH 

Section  1.  The  administrative  functions  and  powers 
shall  be  exercised  by  the  Supreme  Council  exclusively, 
except  as  otherwise  herein  provided.  Its  formal  public 
Acts  shall  be  called  Supreme  Orders,  and  have  the  author- 
ity, force,  and  effect  of  general  public  laws  enacted  by 
the  Supreme  Senate.  All  official  acts  of  the  Supreme  Coun- 
cil not  intended  to  have  the  authority,  force,  and  effect  of 
general  public  laws  shall  be  deemed  informal  and  called 
Administrative  Orders,  resolutions,  or  motions.  Supreme 
Orders  shall  be  made  public;  and  Administrative  Orders, 

172 


APPENDIX 

resolutions,  and  motions  may  be  made  public  or  kept  tem- 
porarily private,  as  the  Supreme  Council  shall  direct. 

The  Supreme  President  in  person  or  by  his  legislative 
secretaries  may  approve  or  veto  any  Supreme  Order, 
Administrative  Order,  resolution,  or  motion  of  the  Supreme 
Council  adopted  by  the  affirmative  votes  of  less  than  two- 
thirds  of  the  voting  members.  If  this  is  not  done  within 
thirty  days,  or  same  is  again  adopted  by  the  Supreme  Coun- 
cil by  two-thirds  vote  within  thirty  days  after  such  veto, 
it  shall  become  effective. 

The  Supreme  Senate  by  two-thirds  vote  any  time  may 
suspend,  amend,  or  repeal  any  Supreme  Order  or  Admin- 
istrative Order,  resolution,  or  motion  of  the  Supreme 
Council,  or  postpone  indefinitely  or  to  a  future  date  named 
the  time  same  shall  become  effective. 

Section  2.  The  Supreme  Council  may  meet  and  act  in 
public  or  in  executive  session,  and  may  punish  for  contempt 
any  councilor  or  other  person  making  any  unauthorized  dis- 
closure or  publicity  of  proceedings  or  acts  the  Supreme 
Council  has  decided  shall  temporarily  be  private. 

The  Supreme  Council  shall  determine  the  time,  place, 
and  duration  of  its  regular  meetings.  Special  meetings  shall 
be  held  on  order  of  the  Supreme  Senate,  Supreme  Presi- 
dent, or  Supreme  Council,  or  on  written  request  signed  by 
a  majority  of  its  members. 

The  Supreme  Council  may  adopt  rules  for  the  regula- 
tion of  its  own  business,  proceedings,  and  conduct,  and  that 
of  all  officials,  agents,  representatives,  employees,  boards, 
bureaus,  commissions,  committees,  and  other  bodies  under 
its  jurisdiction  or  control. 

Section  3.  The  Supreme  Council  shall  consist  of  the 
Supreme  Vice-Presidents  and  Supreme  Ministers  as  voting 
ex-officio  members  and  fourteen  regular  members,  two 
appointed  each  year,  one  by  the  Supreme  President  with 
the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Supreme  Council  and  the 
other  by  the  Supreme  Senate,  except  that  in  the  first  in- 

173 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

stance  the  Supreme  President  and  Supreme  Senate  each 
shall  appoint  seven  members,  to  serve  one,  two,  three,  four, 
five,  six,  and  seven  years,  respectively,  provided,  that  if 
regular  sessions  of  the  Supreme  Senate  are  not  held  each 
year,  it  may  appoint  two  councilors  every  two  years,  one 
to  begin  to  serve  that  year  and  the  other  a  year  later.  Va- 
cancies shall  be  filled  in  the  same  way  within  two  years. 

Section  4.  Any  councilor  appointed  by  the  executive 
branch  may  be  dismissed  without  stated  cause  by  the  Su- 
preme President  with  the  approval  of  the  Supreme  Council 
by  two-thirds  vote,  and  any  councilor  appointed  by  the 
legislative  branch  may  be  dismissed  without  stated  cause 
by  the  Supreme  Senate  by  two-thirds  vote. 

The  Supreme  Council  by  two-thirds  vote  may  dismiss 
any  Supreme  Minister  without  stated  cause,  or  same  may 
be  done  by  the  Supreme  President  with  the  approval  of 
the  Supreme  Council. 

Any  regular  or  ex-officio  member  of  the  Supreme  Coun- 
cil may  be  suspended  and  barred  from  active  service  for 
not  more  than  two  years  at  one  time  for  cause,  after  due 
hearing  by  the  Supreme  Council,  by  two-thirds  vote;  and 
when  the  Supreme  Council  after  such  hearing  has  suspended 
or  refused  to  suspend  the  member,  the  matter  may  be 
brought  by  appeal  before  the  General  Supreme  Court  by 
petition  of  the  member  involved  or  any  other  member  of 
the  Supreme  Council,  and  that  court  shall  make  final  deci- 
sion of  the  matter  on  its  merits. 

Section  5.  Except  as  otherwise  herein  provided,  the 
Supreme  Council  shall  have  exclusive  authority  to  author- 
ize the  expenditure  of  moneys,  make  appropriations,  gen- 
eral and  specific :  incur  liabilities  and  obligations,  and  secure 
and  pay  sam.e ;  borrow  money,  on  government  bonds  or 
otherwise,  on  the  faith  and  credit  of  the  Nation  of  Nations ; 
issue,  secure,  redeem,  and  reissue  national  currency,  and 
make  same  legal  tender  lawful  money;  issue  credit  instru- 
ments and  regulate  their  value,    payment,    and  use;  coin 

174 


APPENDIX 

metallic  money  and  coins,  and  regulate  the  value  and  use 
thereof;  make  foreign  coin  and  currency  full  or  limited 
legal  tender ;  provide  against  counterfeiting  and  other  mon- 
etary frauds ;  devise  and  adopt  sound  monetary,  banking, 
and  international  exchange  systems,  and  authorize  their 
extension  into  other  countries  when  it  deems  that  course 
advisable ;  unite  or  co-operate  with  other  nations  in  joint 
monetary,  banking,  and  credit  arrangements ;  provide 
gold  and  other  reserves,  maintain  the  gold  standard  of 
value,  and  keep  all  national  currency,  coin,  and  credit  in- 
struments on  a  par  with  gold  in  value ;  and  create,  main- 
tain and  administer  gold  reserves  and  monetary  systems  of 
its  own,  or  as  trustee  or  agent  for  other  nations  or  persons, 
zvith  the  object  of  stabilizing ,  strengthening  or  safeguarding 
ivorld  financial,  commercial  and  business  conditions  to  im- 
partially promote  the  prosperity  and  welfare  of  all  peoples. 

Section  6.  Except  as  otherwise  herein  provided,  the  Su- 
preme Council  exclusively  shall  control,  direct,  manage,  and 
administer  the  business  and  affairs  of  the  Nation  of  Na- 
tions through  its  own  body  and  subordinate  agencies,  offi- 
cials, representatives,  agents,  and  employees,  and  regulate 
private  business  within  the  special  jurisdiction  of  the  Na- 
tion of  Nations ;  and  it  shall  provide  public  revenues  for  the 
support  and  conduct  of  the  Nation  of  Nations  and  its  mili- 
tary, naval,  and  executive  forces,  and  carrying  out  its  pur- 
poses and  duties  and  exercising  its  police  powers,  such  rev- 
enues to  be  raised  by  direct  police  power  tax  on  supporting 
nations,  international  commerce  tax  for  use  of  the  high  seas 
and  waters,  tariff  or  customs  tax,  revenue,  income,  and  mon- 
etary taxes,  or  otherwise ;  and  any  such  direct  police  power 
tax  shall  be  imposed  upon  all  supporting  nations  and  be 
apportioned  between  them  on  the  basis  of  their  authorized 
representation  respectively  in  the  Supreme  Senate;  such 
revenue  measures  to  be  in  form  of  Supreme  Orders  that  may 
be  passed,  modified,  or  repealed  by  the  Supreme  Council. 
The   Supreme   Senate,   however,  by  two-thirds  vote,  may 

175 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

suspend,  modify,  veto,  or  repeal  such  measures,  and  in  the 
interest  of  justice  or  mercy  may  remit,  reduce,  cancel,  or 
postpone  the  collection  of  any  police  power  tax  levied 
against  any  nation. 

Section  7.  Treaties  and  agreements  between  the  Nation 
of  Nations  and  other  nations  shall  be  negotiated  and  exe- 
cuted by  the  Supreme  Minister  of  Peace  or  his  authorized 
subordinates;  but  before  same  shall  become  effective  or 
binding  upon  the  Nation  of  Nations,  they  must  be  ratified 
by  the  Supreme  Council  by  two-thirds  vote.  Ambassadors 
and  other  representatives  and  agents  of  the  Nation  of  Na- 
tions sent  to  other  countries  shall  be  subordinates  and  in 
charge  of  the  Supreme  Minister  of  Peace,  subject  to  the 
orders  of  the  Supreme  Council.  The  representatives  of 
other  nations  accredited  as  ambassadors  or  ministers  to  the 
Nation  of  Nations  shall  at  all  times  be  satisfactory  to  the 
Minister  of  Peace,  with  whom,  exclusively,  they  shall  deal, 
and  to  the  Supreme  Council. 

A  copy  of  every  treaty,  agreement  or  understanding  be- 
tween  any  two  or  more  nations  shall  he  promptly  registered 
with  the  Nation  of  Nations  and  made  public  at  once,  and 
until  so  registered  it  shall  not  be  legally  effective;  and 
hereafter  any  treaty,  agreement  or  understanding  between 
nations,  which  in  any  way  is  inconsistent  with  this  con- 
stitution  or  lawful  laws  or  orders  passed  thereunder,  shall 
be  void,  and  of  no  force  or  binding  effect. 

ARTICLE  VI 
THE  LEGISLATIVE  BRANCH 

Section  1.  The  legislative  functions  and  powers,  except 
as  herein  otherwise  provided,  shall  be  exercised  exclusively 
by  the  Supreme  Senate,  its  legislative  Acts  to  be  called 
Supreme  Laws. 

The  Supreme  Senate,  except  as  herein  otherwise  pro- 
vided, shall  have  exclusive  authority  to  enact,  amend,  or 
repeal,  by  two-thirds  vote,  all  international  laws   for  the 

176 


APPENDIX 

regulation  of  the  conduct  of  nations  toward  each  other  per- 
taining to  the  herein  defined  constitutional  objects,  pur- 
poses, jurisdiction,  function,  or  powers  of  the  Nation  of 
Nations;  and  such  laws  shall  protect  and  be  binding  upon 
and  control  the  conduct  of  all  supporting  nations  of  the 
world  and  the  inhabitants  thereof.  Other  supreme  laws, 
acts,  or  action  of  the  Supreme  Senate  shall  be  passed  by 
majority  vote,  except  as  otherwise  herein  provided.  The 
international  and  other  laws,  orders,  acts,  decrees,  decisions, 
and  awards,  and  the  action  or  conduct  of  the  Nation  of 
Nations  or  its  courts,  tribunals,  branches,  officials,  agents, 
or  representatives,  shall  be  construed^  guestioned,  tried,  or 
enforced  only  by  the  courts,  tribunals,  and  branches  of  the 
Nation  of  Nations. 

Until,  and  except  as,  the  Supreme  Senate  shall  other- 
wise provide  by  law,  the  principles  of  recognized  interna^ 
tional  law  and  of  the  Common  law  and  Equity,  civil  and 
criminal,  shall  prevail  and  govern  zvhere  the  Nation  of  Na- 
tions has  special  jurisdiction  and  in  its  courts  and  proceed^ 
ings. 

Section  2.  The  Supreme  Senate  shall  be  composed  only 
of  Past  Supreme  Presidents  and  Supreme  Ministers,  as 
non-voting  ex-officio  members,  and  regular  members,  called 
Supreme  Senators,  elected  or  appointed  by  the  various  sup- 
porting nations  or  governments  entitled,  as  herein  provided, 
to  representation  in  the  Nation  of  Nations. 

The  supporting  nations  shall  be  entitled  to  representa- 
tion only  in  the  Supreme  Senate,  and  shall  not  participate 
in  the  appointment  or  election  of  the  members  of  the  other 
three  branches  of  the  Nation  of  Nations  or  any  of  its 
departments,  courts,  tribunals,  officials,  representatives, 
agents,  or  employees. 

The  basis  of  representation  by  the  authorized  support- 
ing nations  in  the  Supreme  Senate  of  the  Nation  of  Na- 
tions shall  be  as  follows: 

Qualified  nations  with  less  than  twenty  million  popu- 

177 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

lation  shall  each  have  one  representative ;  those  having" 
more  than  twenty  million,  but  less  than  fifty  million,  shall 
each  have  three  representatives ;  those  having  fifty  million 
or  more  population  shall  each  have  nine  representatives. 
Only  fully  self-governing  countries,  including  Dominions 
and  Colonies,  having  two  'tmllion  or  more  inhabitants  shall 
he  eligible  to  representation.  This  basis  of  representation 
never  shall  be  changed,  by  amendment  of  this  constitution 
or  otherwise,  without  the  formal  official  approval  of  at  least 
three  fourths  of  the  representatives  of  the  nations  in  good 
standing  and  represented  in  the  Nation  of  Nations. 

Section  3.  The  Supreme  Senate,  by  the  affirmative  vote 
of  three-fourths  of  all  its  qualified  regular  members,  may 
invoke  and  adopt  the  Supreme  Veto,  and  thereby  annul 
any  specified  official  act,  order,  decision,  or  decree  of  the 
executive,  administrative,  or  judicial  branches,  or  of  any 
department,  court,  tribunal,  official  representative,  agent, 
or  employee  of  the  Nation  of  Nations;  and  by  Hke  vote 
may  invoke  and  adopt  the  Supreme  Mandate,  and  thereby 
require  the  executive,  administrative,  or  judicial  branches, 
or  any  department,  court,  tribunal,  official,  agent,  repre- 
sentative, or  employee  to  perform  any  lawful  act  or  make 
any  order,  decision,  or  decree  specified  in  such  Supreme 
Mandate  and  that  is  authorized  or  permitted  by  this 
constitution. 

Section  4.  The  power  to  impeach  and  remove  from 
office,  or  otherwise  punish  for  cause,  the  Supreme  Presi- 
dent, Supreme  Vice-Presidents,  Supreme  Councilors,  Su- 
preme Senators,  Supreme  Justices,  and  Supreme  Ministers 
shall,  except  as  otherwise  herein  provided,  be  exercised  by 
the  Supreme  Senate,  exclusively,  by  two-thirds  vote,  ex- 
cept that  it  shall  require  the  affirmative  vote  of  three- 
fourths  of  all  members  of  the  Supreme  Senate  to  remove 
from  office  or  suspend  for  more  than  one  year  a  member 
of  that  body.  The  Supreme  Senate  may  itself  conduct 
such  impeachment  trial,  or  it  may  delegate  same  to  a  com- 

178 


APPENDIX 

mittee  of  its  members  or  to  a  judicial  tribunal  appointed 
by  the  General  Supreme  Court  to  hear  the  testimony  and 
report  same,  with  recommendation,  to  the  Supreme  Senate 
for  decision. 

The  impeachment,  trial,  or  punishment  of  any  other 
official,  agent,  representative^  or  employee  for  cause  shall, 
unless  otherwise  herein  provided,  be  conducted  by,  or  under 
the  direction  of,  and  be  decided  by  the  Supreme  Council 
by  two-thirds  vote;  and  said  Supreme  Council  may  refer 
the  matter  for  hearing,  report,  and  recommendation  to  a 
committee  of  its  members  or  or  to  a  judicial  tribunal  ap- 
pointed by  the  General  Supreme  Court. 

Provided,  that  the  impeachment,  trial,  or  punishment 
for  cause  of  any  official,  agent,  representative,  or  employee 
appointed  by  or  serving  under  the  judicial  branch  shall  be 
conducted  by  the  General  Supreme  Court  or  its  tribunals 
exclusively. 

Impeachment  for  cause  shall  be  based  only  on  viola- 
tion of  the  oath  or  declaration  of  office;  disloyalty  to  the 
constitutional  purposes,  functions,  powers,  or  lawful  acts, 
laws,  orders,  decrees,  decisions,  or  awards  of  the  Nation 
of  Nations  or  its  branches,  tribunals,  or  officials;  mis- 
feasance, malfeasance,  or  corruption  in  office ;  commission 
of  serious  crime  other  than  of  a  political  character,  and 
refusal  or  neglect,  for  an  unreasonable  time,  to  perform 
the  duties  of  office  or  employment. 

The  Supreme  Senate,  Supreme  Council,  and  General  Su- 
preme Court  each  shall  have  power  to  discipline  or  punish 
its  own  members  for  contempt  for  any  offense  committed 
in  its  presence  while  in  session,  or  for  violation  of  its  rules ; 
and  others  for  refusal  to  obey  its  lawful  authority  or  orders. 
Any  authorized  judicial  or  quasi  judicial  tribunal  of  the 
Nation  of  Nations  shall  have  power  to  adjudge  and  punish 
for  any  legal  contempt,  subject  to  the  right  of  appeal  to 
the  next  higher  court  for  reversal  or  approval. 

Section   5.     Regular   sessions   of   the   Supreme   Senate 

179 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

shall  be  held  as  often  as  every  two  years,  at  such  times  and 
place  as  that  body,  by  law,  shall  determine ;  and  special  ses- 
sions shall  be  held  whenever  it  shall,  by  resolution,  order, 
or  on  call  of  the  Supreme  President  by  order  of  the  Su- 
preme Council,  or  on  written  request  signed  by  a  majority 
of  the  regular  Supreme  Senators.  Its  sessions  may  be  sus- 
pended or  adjourned  by  majority  vote,  and  ended  by  two- 
thirds  vote.  A  majority  of  the  regular  members  shall  con- 
stitute a  quorum  necessary  for  the  transaction  of  business. 
It  may  adopt  rules  to  regulate  the  conduct  of  its  proceed- 
ings. It  shall  elect  its  presiding  officer,  the  Supreme 
Speaker.  It  shall,  by  law,  provide  governmental  machinery, 
agencies,  and  means  for  carrying  out  the  purposes  for  which 
the  Nation  of  Nations  was  created. 

ARTICLE  VII 
THE  JUDICIAL  BRANCH 

Section  1.  The  General  Supreme  Court,  as  the  judicial 
branch,  shall,  unless  otherwise  herein  provided,  exclusively 
exercise  the  judicial  functions  and  powers,  and  devise,  adopt, 
alter,  control,  and  direct  a  suitable  judicial  system  and 
procedure  for  the  Nation  of  Nations. 

It  shall  be  the  supreme  authority  for  construing,  inter- 
preting, and  judicially  enforcing  this  constitution,  interna- 
tional laws,  usages,  customs,  and  treaties,  and  the  laws, 
orders,  and  acts  of  the  Nation  of  Nations  and  its  branches, 
tribunals,  official  agents,  and  representatives. 

The  General  Supreme  Court,  in  judicial  session,  or  its 
subordinate  courts  and  tribunals,  may,  on  request,  and 
when  it  approves,  act  as  a  court  of  final  authority  and 
appeal  from  the  decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  any 
supporting  nation  on  any  question  of  international  law  or 
justice,  or  as  a  court  or  tribunal  of  arbitration  of  any  dis- 
pute or  difference  between  nations  that  is  submitted  vol- 
untarily by  the  nations  concerned ;  and  in  such  cases  its 
decision  or  award  shall  be  final,  and  be  enforced,  when 

180 


APPENDIX 

necessary,  by  the  police  or  executive  power  of  the  Nation 
of  Nations. 

Section  2.  The  General  Supreme  Court  shall  consist 
of  fifteen  members,  called  Supreme  Justices,  not  more  than 
three  of  whom  shall  be  citizens  or  subjects  of  any  one  sup- 
porting nation.  They  shall  be  appointed,  and  vacancies 
shall  be  filled,  by  the  Supreme  President,  with  the  advice 
and  consent  of  the  Supreme  Council.  Supreme  Justices 
shall  serve  for  life,  or  until  incapacitated  by  infirmity  or 
retirement  for  age,  unless  sooner  impeached  and  removed 
for  cause  or  dismissed  without  stated  cause  by  the  Supreme 
Senate  by  two-thirds  vote  or  by  the  Supreme  President  with 
the  approval  of  the  Supreme  Council  and  Supreme  Senate 
by  majority  votes.  The  General  Supreme  Court,  in  business 
session,  may  impeach  and  remove  any  Supreme  Justice  or 
Past  Supreme  Justice  for  cause,  or  punish  him  for  any 
contempt  committed  in  the  presence  of  such  court.  It 
may  request  the  Supreme  Senate  to  remove,  without  stated 
cause,  any  Supreme  Justice  it  deems  incompetent  or  who 
refuses  or  neglects  to  diligently,  faithfully,  honestly,  or 
impartially  perform  his  official  duties. 

Section  3.  After  any  Supreme  Justice  has  attained  the 
age  of  sixty  years,  he  may  be  retired  from  active  service 
at  his  own  request,  or  at  the  will  of  the  General  Supreme 
Court  in  business  session.  When  so  retired,  a  Supreme  Jus- 
tice shall  become  Past  Supreme  Justice,  which  office  he 
shall  occupy  during  life  at  two  thirds  the  regular  salary 
of  Supreme  Justice,  unless  he  shall  resign  or  be  impeached 
and  removed  for  cause.  Past  Supreme  Justices,  on  request, 
shall  advise  the  General  Supreme  Court  and  its  members, 
and  perform  special  judicial  services  assigned  by  that  body 
or  its  presiding  officer. 

Section  4.  The  General  Supreme  Court,  in  business  ses- 
sion, shall  devise,  adopt,  and  thereafter  direct,  a  general 
judicial  system  that  in  its  judgment  will  best  further  the 
constitutional  purposes  of  the   Nation  of  Nations ;  and   it 

181 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

may,  in  its  discretion,  alter,  amend,  or  change  the  same. 
To  that  end,  it  may  from  time  to  time  create  subordinate 
courts  and  tribunals,  with  such  jurisdiction,  powers,  limita- 
tions, and  procedure  as  it  may  determine;  and  appoint  or 
dismiss  at  will  the  judges,  arbitrators,  and  other  officials, 
agents,  and  employees  of  such  judicial  system;  and,  sub- 
ject to  the  approval  of  the  Supreme  Council,  may  fix  their 
salaries  and  compensation. 

The  General  Supreme  Court  may  devise,  adopt,  and 
change  supreme  judicial  rules  to  regulate  its  proceedings 
and  those  of  its  subordinate  courts  and  tribunals,  and  to 
govern  the  action  of  its  judges  and  other  officials,  agents, 
representatives,  and  employees. 

Section  5.  The  General  Supreme  Court,  when  perform- 
ing judicial  duties,  shall  sit  in  judicial  session,  and  when 
hearing  any  cause  may  consist  of  all  its  members  or  such 
number  and  members  as  the  General  Supreme  Court  or 
Supreme  Chief  Justice  may  assign  for  the  purpose.  Its  de- 
cisions in  judicial  session  shall  be  final,  except  that  when 
the  cause  was  heard  and  decided  by  less  than  two-thirds 
of  the  Supreme  Justices  it  may  at  the  option  of  the  General 
Supreme  Court  be  reheard  and  redecided  by  a  larger  num- 
ber of  justices. 

When  not  in  judicial  session,  the  General  Supreme  Court 
shall  sit  and  act  in  business  session,  when  a  majority  of  the 
Supreme  Justices  shall  constitute  a  quorum  necessary  for 
the  transaction  of  business. 

Section  6.  The  Supreme  Senate  or  Supreme  Council, 
by  two-thirds  vote,  may  submit  to  the  General  Supreme 
Court  in  judicial  session,  for  its  informal  opinion  or  formal 
construction  and  decision,  any  question  pertaining  to  the 
constitutional  or  lawful  powers,  purposes,  limitations,  or 
duties  of  the  Nation  of  Nations,  or  its  branches,  tribunals, 
courts,  officials,  agents,  representatives,  or  employees,  or 
any  existing  or  proposed  constitutional  provision,  law,  order, 
or  action,  or  any  international  law,  usage,  custom,  regula- 

182 


APPENDIX 

tion,  or  treaty,  without  first  waiting  for  a  legal  controversy 
over  the  matter  to  arise. 

ARTICLE  VIII 

AMENDMENT 

Section  1.  This  constitution,  or  any  part  thereof,  may 
be  amended  any  time  by  the  affirmative  vote  of  three- 
fourths  of  the  regular  members  of  the  Supreme  Senate  and 
three-fourths  of  the  members  of  the  Supreme  Council  and 
three-fourths  of  the  members  of  the  General  Supreme 
Court ; 

Provided,  that  any  amendment  so  adopted  that  changes 
the  basis  of  representation  of  supporting  nations  in  the  Su- 
preme Senate  shall  not  be  effective  until  officially  approved 
by  three-fourths  of  the  representatives  of  all  supporting  na- 
tions in  good  standing  and  represented  in  the  Nation  of 
Nations. 


The  peoples  of  ike  zi'orld  ivant  zvars  betzveen  nations 
abolished.  They  are  sincere,  honest  and  zvhole-hearted  in 
that  desire,  and  ready  to  make  any  reasonable  concession 
or  sacrifice  to  that  end. 

If  the  political  statesmen  and  rulers  of  governments 
zvere  as  unselfish,  sincere  and  honest  in  this  matter  as  their 
peoples,  international  zi'ars  could  easily  be,  and  quickly 
zjuould  be,  abolished  forever  by  the  creation  of  a  mutual 
Nation  of  Nations  in  accordance  zvith  the  above  Supreme 
Constitution.  The  people  nozv  should  force  their  states- 
men and  rulers  to  so  act. 


183 


THE  FIRST  PROPOSED  PLAN 

Following  is  the  outline  of  a  suggested  plan  for  obtaining  a  League  of 
Nations,  reduction  of  armaments  and  permanent  world  peace,  written  August 
10,  1914,  and  submitted  to  President  Woodrow  Wilson,  August  18,  1914;  by- 
Alfred   Owen   Crozier: 

THE  WORLD  WAR— AND  AFTER. 

The  United  States  will  take  a  leading  part  in  ending 
the  prevailing  world-war.  It  is  the  only  strong  nation  in 
position  to  be  an  umpire  acceptable  to  all  warring  nations. 
President  Wilson  recognized  this  fact  in  tendering  his 
good  offices. 

This  nation  should  use  its  dominant  influence  for  a 
plan  that  will  insure  permanent  peace,  without  insanely 
large  universal  armaments.  It  must  not  help  patch  up  a 
mere  temporary  armed  truce  that  can  only  mean  a  still 
greater  war  later  and  unbearable  burdens  upon  all  humanity 
meantime.  Now  that  war  is  unavoidable  and  in  progress, 
it  should  be  allowed  to  proceed  until  all  nations  so  clearly 
realize  the  futility  and  folly  of  war  that  they  will  gladly 
co-operate  in  adopting  a  settlement  of  past  differences  and 
a  plan  of  future  action  that  will  make  another  great  inter- 
national conflict  forever  impossible.  That  course  will  sacri- 
fice more  lives  now,  but  less  in  the  end ;  and  it  will  rescue 
the  world  from  perpetual  strife  and  insure  the  onward 
march  of  true  civilization  until  it  reaches  its  divine  goal. 

"FRUITS   OF  VICTORY." 

There  will  be  alternate  victories  and  defeats  on  either 
side — many  of  them.  The  struggle  may  go  on  until  ammu- 
nition and  supplies  are  largely  exhausted  and  all  combat- 
ants are  weakened  and  unable  effectively  to  continue.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  accidents  of  war  may  suddenly  result 
in  a  victory  for  one  side  or  the  other  that  will  be  over- 
whelming and  decisive.  One  must  finally  suffer  defeat 
and  the  other  win  success.     Then  will  come  the  necessity 

184 


THE  FIRST  PROPOSED  PLAN 

of  agreeing  upon  terms.  The  "fruits  of  victory"  will  be 
claimed  by  the  victors,  who  will  desire  to  impose  on  the 
vanquished  the  penalties  of  defeat. 

The  actors  alone  should  not  be  allowed  to  settle  that 
question.  The  whole  world  is  interested  in  having  the 
adjustment  such  that  its  provisions  will  not  of  necessity 
result  in  another  and  perhaps  greater  disturbance  of  the 
world's  peace  at  some  future  time.  Because  innocent 
neutral  nations  suffer  greatly  from  war,  they  have  a  moral 
right  as  a  third  party  to  have  a  voice,  and  perhaps  a  dom- 
inant voice,  in  framing  the  terms  of  peace.  They  should 
not  allow  the  victor  to  gain  territory  and  power  that  would 
be  likely  to  tempt  it  to  become  a  wanton  aggressor  at  a 
future  time,  to  the  disadvantage  of  all  nations,  or  that  may 
cause  renewal  of  hostilities  by  the  defeated  nations  at  a 
later  day  after  they  have  again  become  strong.  Peaceful 
nations  have  a  right  to  enjoy  the  benefits  of  universal  peace 
and  to  demand  the  adjustment  most  likely  to  avoid  future 
wars. 

Any  settlement  that  puts  one  race  in  political  bondage 
to  another  will  mean  increased  friction  and  race  hatred 
and  ultimate  rebellion  instead  of  peace,  contentment,  and 
happiness.  The  welfare  of  mankind  and  the  highest  good 
of  civilization  as  a  whole  should  be  the  guiding  principles 
in  the  negotiations  and  agreement.  Passion,  greed,  exces- 
sive selfishness,  and  revenge  are  things  that  must  be  sternly 
repressed  and  not  allowed  to  control.  Only  the  neutral 
powers  will  be  able  to  do  this.  It  will  be  a  difficult  duty, 
but  unless  it  is  done,  permanent  peace  will  be  impossible. 

The  questions  at  issue  should  not  be  settled  or  adjusted 
on  the  field  of  battle  w^hile  passion  rules  and  unreasoning 
hate  would  demand  unfair  and  unwise  terms.  Money  in- 
demnity might  perhaps  be  at  once  agreed  upon,  but  the 
adjustment  of  territorial  and  armament  matters  and  other 
vital  questions  should  be  left  for  decision  to  a  deliberative 
conference  in  which  neutral  powers  would  be  represented 

185 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

and  possesss  the  balance  of  power.  Even  the  victors  can 
be  made  to  reaHze  that  their  future  peace  and  welfare  will 
depend  upon  the  settlement,  provided  they  do  not  them- 
selves arbitrarily  fix  the  terms  hastily  and  before  the  blooa 
of  battle  has  cooled. 

The  United  States,  without  desiring  or  accepting  any- 
thing for  itself,  at  the  right  moment  should  bend  its  ener- 
gies toward  reference  of  all  matters  in  dispute  to  a  prop- 
erly constituted  world's  conference  or  congress  for  deci- 
sion. It  should  also  insist  that  the  nations  agree  that  such 
conference  shall  have  power  to  formulate  a  definite  plan 
that  will  absolutely  and  permanently  safeguard  the  future 
peace  of  the  world.  Anything  short  of  that  will  mean 
greater  armaments,  higher  tax  burdens,  and  more  war. 

FIGHTING  FOR  PEACE. 

The  remark  of  the  man  who  said  he  would  have  peace 
if  he  had  to  fight  to  get  it  is  no  longer  a  joke.  Ten  nations 
with  seventeen  million  armed  soldiers  in  the  year  of  our 
Lord  1914  are  doing  that  very  thing.  They  are  all  fighting 
for  peace.  Each  claims  that  it  did  not  want  to  fight  and 
that  the  other  began  the  conflict.  All  say  they  are  fighting 
for  civihzation  with  God  on  their  particular  side.  Assum- 
ing that  each  nation  at  least  thinks  it  is  stating  the  truth, 
then  the  war  is  an  accident  that  is  likely  to  kill  millions 
of  human  beings  and  wipe  out  countless  billions  of  treas- 
ure. All  concerned,  including  neutrals,  are  chiefly  anxious 
to  make  another  such  accident  forever  impossible. 

This  world-wide  war  will  be  a  failure  for  all,  no  mat- 
ter which  side  wins,  if  it  fails  to  secure  permanent  general 
disarmament  and  limitation  of  future  preparation  for  war 
and  the  abolition  of  ofiFensive  and  defensive  alliances  be- 
tween nations  by  removing  all  necessity  for  such  fighting 
alliances. 

The  problem  of  peace  and  protection  against  war  can 
not  be  solved  by  ever-increasing  armaments,  mutual  prom- 

186 


THE  FIRST  PROPOSED  PLAN 

ises,  or  The  Hague  Peace  tribunal.  The  failure  of  the  plan 
of  guaranteeing  peace  by  individual  force  or  by  alliance  is 
shown  by  the  prevailing  war.  As  the  plan  of  getting  peace 
by  talking  peace  and  promising  to  arbitrate  differences  would 
be  inadequate,  a  new  plan  must  be  devised  if  the  world  is 
to  ever  have  permanent  peace. 

If  the  combined  wisdom  of  the  world  can  not  work  out 
and  adopt  such  a  plan,  then  mankind  is  impotent  and  civil- 
ization a  failure,  and  we  must  go  on  forever  killing  each 
other  my  millions  to  settle  quarrels  that  at  the  beginning 
usually  are  petty  and  insignificant.  I  have  faith  in  the  in- 
telligence and  general  good  intentions  of  the  people  of  all 
countries,  and  believe  they  can  and  will  act  to  provide  an 
effective  remedy,  because  it  is  the  people  who  bear  the  brunt 
and  burdens  of  war.  They  v/ill  be  likely  to  abolish  any 
ruler  who  stands  in  the  way  of  their  attaining  permanent 
peace. 

Government  by  the  consent  of  the  governed  is  likely 
to  be  advanced  by  this  war  and  ultimately  prevail  through- 
out the  world.  Meantime  the  plan  devised  must  absolutely 
protect  the  rank  and  file  of  the  people  and  all  peaceful 
countries  against  the  possibility  of  war  being  started  by 
some  individual  ruler  who  may  apply  the  match  to  the 
powder  while  temporarily  drunk  with  power  or  wine,  or 
may  be  possessed  of  an  insane  desire  to  glorify  himself  in 
the  world's  history  by  means  of  war  and  conquest.  The 
world  no  longer  can  afford  to  depend  wholly  upon  the  will 
of  any  one  man  for  peace  and  prosperity. 

A  GOVERNMENT  OF  GOVERNMENTS. 

The  nations  are  not  ready  to  merge  into  a  universal  re- 
public with  the  various  countries  as  self-governing  subordin- 
ate states.  Political  and  race  conditions  and  antagonism, 
intensified  by  this  war,  make  actual  union  of  the  warring 
nations  impossible. 

Alliances  or  contracts  between  governments  have  caused 

187 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

instead  of  prevented  war.  The  United  States,  for  one, 
never  will  enter  into  entangling  offensive  and  defensive  al- 
liances to  preserve  peace  or  avoid  war.  No  nation  should 
be  forced  to  do  so  by  circumstances  or  otherwise.  Such  alli- 
ances give  one  the  power  to  involve  both  in  actual  war 
against  the  desire  and  judgment  of  the  other. 

Treaties,  arbitration  agreements,  and  other  mere  prom- 
ises between  individual  nations  never  can  be  an  absolute 
guarantee  of  peace  or  insurance  against  war.  They  are 
useful,  help  to  a  better  understanding,  and  often  delay  hos- 
tilities ;  but  when  the  inevitable  clash  comes,  they  are  always 
found  to  be  mere  ropes  of  sand.  They  bind  the  virtuous 
but  not  the  vicious  government. 

The  world  must  now  have  practical  means  to  stay  the 
hand  of  the  nation  or  ruler  that  would  make  war  on  a 
neighbor  without  just  cause.  There  must  be  an  authority 
authorized  to  hear  and  decide  all  serious  or  vital  interna- 
tional differences,  with  right  to  make  a  decision  binding 
upon  the  disputing  nations.  And  such  central  authority 
must  have  power  under  its  exclusive  control  to  enforce 
compliance  with  its  decision  by  the  nations  concerned.  With- 
out means  to  back  its  decisions  or  decrees  by  force — ade- 
quate force — it  would  be  impotent  and  useless  for  the  pur- 
pose in  view.  It  would  be  like  a  law  without  a  penalty  or 
police  power  to  enforce  it. 

The  supreme  need  of  this  grave  hour  is  a  world's  police 
power  with  authority  and  means  to  regulate  the  conduct  of 
nations  toward  each  other  and  armed  force  sufficient  to 
insure  that  no  nation  ever  will  disobey  its  orders  or  violate 
the  world's  peace  on  any  pretext  without  the  consent  of  such 
supreme  police  power. 

That  power  should  be  a  Government  of  governments. 
It  must  be  over  and  above  all  governments.  In  it  and  back 
of  it  must  be  the  moral  power  and  sovereign  force  of  every 
nation  in  the  world. 

188 


THE  FIRST  PROPOSED  PLAN 

THE  WORLD'S  COUNCIL. 

The  "Council  of  the  World/'  "Council  of  Nations/'  or 
whatever  its  name  may  be,  should  not  be  a  mere  conference 
or  loose  federation  of  nations.  It  should  be  a  real  govern- 
ment with  the  usual  functions,  a  representative  government 
framed  on  the  general  plan  stated  in  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States,  with  such  changes  as  conditions  may 
make  necessary.  Every  civilized  nation  should  be  repre- 
sented in  such  government  on  some  equitable  and  prac- 
ticable basis  to  be  agreed  upon  by  a  conference  of  nations 
called  to  adjust  and  settle  the  issues  of  the  prevailing  war 
and  to  frame  a  plan  to  insure  permanent  peace. 

The  duties  and  powers  of  this  world  government  shall 
be  clearly  defined  in  its  written  constitution,  framed  by 
such  conference  and  ratified  by  the  various  nations,  same 
to  be  binding  upon  all  when,  say,  two-thirds  or  three-fourths 
of  the  nations  have  approved  the  same.  Its  powers  should 
be  restricted  and  limited  to  vital  differences  between  na- 
tions, including  all  questions  of  "national  honor."  The  Coun- 
cil of  Nations  should  have  no  authority  to  interfere  in  the 
internal  affairs  of  any  nation,  except  to  the  extent  of  pro- 
tecting the  rights  of  other  nations  against  injury  due  to 
civil  conflict.  It  shall  be  merely  a  central  police  power  to 
protect  every  nation  against  unjust  aggression  by  any  other 
nation,  and  thus  safeguard  all  nations  and  bestow  upon  the 
whole  world  forever  the  blessings  of  universal  and  perma- 
nent peace  and  prosperity.    That  is  all. 

The  Council  of  the  World  should  rule  over  no  territory. 
It  should  possess  no  land  except  the  title  or  lease  of  such 
naval  stations,  harbors,  and  military  quarters  as  may  be 
necessary  for  the  proper  accommodation  and  disposition  of 
its  armed  sea  and  land  forces. 

It  may  be  found  necessary  or  advisable  in  the  settlement 
to  turn  over  to  the  Council  of  Nations  certain  disputed 
stragetic  fortresses  or  places  involved  in  this  conflict  that 
might  tend  to  cause  a  future  renewal  of  hostilities,  if  other- 

189 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

wise  disposed  of.  This  might  help  to  make  the  Council  of 
Nations  a  sort  of  universal  ''buffer  state,"  getting  the  na- 
tions together  by  keeping  them  apart  and  reducing  the  shock 
and  friction  between  them  to  a  minimum. 

The  Council  of  Nations  should  have  its  headquarters  in 
some  one  country — the  United  States,  The  Hague,  or  other 
convenient  place — and  a  suitable  branch  in  every  country. 
It  shall  not  rule  over  peoples  or  empires,  but  merely  over  the 
corporate  governments  of  the  world  respecting  only  the 
matters  set  forth  in  its  constitution  or  charter  of  existence. 

GENERAL  DISARMAMENT. 

The  mortgage  on  the  human  race  in  form  of  bonds  of 
governments  exceeds  thirty-nine  billion  dollars.  It  will  be 
increased  several  billions  by  this  war.  All  is  payable  in 
gold,  principal  and  interest,  yet  there  is  only  seven  billion 
dollars  of  gold  in  the  world  and  less  than  half  that  available 
for  commercial  use. 

This  debt  never  can  be  paid,  or  even  reduced,  while  the 
nations  maintain  their  present  naval  and  military  establish- 
ments. This  prodigious  burden  increases  steadily  even  in 
times  of  peace.  If  it  goes  on,  compound  interest  may  double 
the  principal  every  fifteen  to  thirty  years  forever.  All  peo- 
ples will  sink  deeper  and  deeper  into  this  slavery  of  hope- 
less debt  unless  the  world  quickly  comes  to  its  senses  and  ac- 
complishes general  disarmament  and  provides  against  re- 
armament. 

The  people  of  every  land  want  disarmament  and  re- 
duced tax  burdens  and  relief  from  other  things  inflicted 
by  war  and  the  fear  of  war.  Every  government  claims  to 
favor  disarmament  or  at  least  reduction,  if  it  can  be  done 
in  a  way  that  will  not  change  the  relative  fighting  strength 
of  the  nations.  The  United  States  favors  it,  but  will  not 
practice  it  while  other  nations  are  increasing  their  armies 
and  navies.  It  would  be  suicide  to  do  so.  If  some  plan  of 
general  disarmament  is  not  adopted,  this  republic  should 

190 


THE  FIRST  PROPOSED  PLAN 

and  will  build  a  navy  larger  than  that  of  any  other  country, 
and,  if  the  fatal  offensive  and  defensive  alliance  program 
continues,  larger  than  any  two  or  three  other  nations  com- 
bined. It  has  the  money  or  resources,  and  surely  will  do  it 
if  necessary. 

In  a  world  containing  jealous  and  envious  nations,  all 
armed  to  the  teeth,  such  a  navy  is  the  cheapest  and  only 
practicable  insurance  of  the  republic  against  attack  and 
guarantee  of  peace.  The  above  is  true  in  spite  of  the  fact 
that  the  United  States  does  not  covet  or  desire  an  acre  pos- 
sessed by  any  other  country,  and  bears  no  ill-will  or  desire 
for  trouble  with  any  nation  on  earth.  But,  unfortunately, 
it  must  play  the  martial  game  while  it  lasts,  because  it  also 
is  a  helpless  victim  of  that  strange  doctrine  that  peace  is  the 
fruit  only  of  frequent  wars  and  preparation  for  war. 

The  only  reason  general  disarmament,  at  least  partial, 
has  not  already  been  accomplished  is  that  no  one  has  in- 
vented a  practical  plan  that  was  acceptable  to  all  nations 
and  would  not  change  their  relative  military  and  naval 
strength.  Such  a  plan  must  now  be  devised  and  adopted. 
This  war  will  make  that  imperative,  the  people  of  all  coun- 
tries will  demand  it.  It  is  the  one  opportunity  for  civiliza- 
tion to  prove  that  it  is  a  real  civilization  and  can  work  out 
and  impose  upon  the  entire  world  a  practical  and  effective 
plan  that  will  greatly  reduce  the  armament  of  each  nation 
and  also  insure  the  world  against  future  increase  of  arma- 
ments by  any  of  the  nations.  This  can  be  done  easily  and 
quickly,  and  in  the  most  simple  manner. 

A  WORLD  NAVY. 

The  conference  that  creates  the  permanent  Council  of 
Nations  should  require  every  nation  to  turn  over  to  such 
world  government,  by  gift  or  lease,  a  substantial  portion  of 
all  its  best  naval  and  military  equipment,  to  be  held  and 
used  as  an  effective  police  power  to  prevent  all  future  wars 
between  individual  nations  not  authorized  by  the  Coimcil  of 

191 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

Nations.  This  combined  force  will  be  greater  than  the  force 
of  any  nation  or  any  two  or  three  nations.  Its  size  can  be 
steadily  reduced  as  the  nations  reduce  and  dispense  with 
their  remaining  armaments  and  future  conditions  justify. 
The  combined  military  organization  should  be  relatively 
small,  made  up  largely  of  trained  officers  of  various  nations 
— a  skeleton  army ;  but  each  country  shall  maintain  a  small 
force,  subject  to  call  and  use  by  the  Council  of  Nations,  to 
sustain  its  authority  and  enforce  its  orders  anywhere  in 
the  world.  The  expense  or  cost  of  the  Government  of  Gov- 
ernments shall  be  equitably  apportioned  between  the  nations. 

The  various  details  and  the  form,  scope,  and  powers  of 
the  Council  of  Nations,  of  course,  must  be  carefully  worked 
out  by  the  world's  conference  after  study  and  thought  and 
world-wide  discussion.  This  plan  at  least  would  provide 
means  for  uniting  the  great  and  powerful  moral  sentiment 
of  the  people  of  all  nations  and  bringing  that  tremendous 
force  quickly  to  bear  direct  upon  the  evils  to  be  removed 
for  the  safety  of  each  country  and  the  good  of  civilization  as 
a  whole. 

It  is  easy  to  see  that  in  some  respects  this  plan  is  not 
ideal,  or  desirable  if  a  better  one  can  be  devised.  There  will 
be  great  difficulties  to  surmount.  But  the  solution  of  such 
grave  problems  in  a  crisis  usually  is  a  choice  of  evils,  and 
better  than  doing  nothing. 

Any  plan  of  this  character,  so  devised  and  adopted,  is 
certain  to  be  carefully  framed  to  safeguard  the  reasonable 
and  legitimate  rights  of  all  concerned.  It  will  provide 
against  all  possibility  of  abuse,  and,  therefore,  in  the  ab- 
sence of  another  and  more  feasible  plan,  will  be  likely  to 
give  fairly  general  satisfaction.  With  the  administration 
and  powers  divided  between  and  exercised  by  the  joint 
action  of  representatives  of  so  many  countries  not  specially 
interested  in  a  particular  dispute  that  may  arise  between 
any  two  nations,  the  system  should  safely  check  and  balance 
the  use  of  the  functions  of  the  Council  of  Nations  and  guard 

192 


THE  FIRST  PROPOSED  PLAN 

against  unfair  discrimination  and  insure  exact  justice  to  all 
concerned.  No  nation  will  then  care  to  outlaw  itself  in  the 
eyes  of  all  nations  by  running  amuck  or  seeking  to  use  the 
Council  of  Nations  in  any'  way  to  gain  unfair  advantage 
over  another  nation,  weak  or  strong. 

The  friendly  fraternizing  of  representatives  of  all  na- 
tions and  races  for  mutual  benefit,  on  terms  of  equality  and 
for  a  high  and  noble  purpose,  is  an  important  advantage  of 
this  plan.  This  in  itself  may  solve  many  problems  and  ward 
off  many  dangers,  because  every  nation  and  person  is  in  fact 
better  than  some  prejudiced  minds  realize.  If  nations  and 
races  were  better  acquainted,  they  would  be  better  friends. 

If  this  plan,  or  some  modification  of  it,  can  be  adopted 
and  used  in  the  right  spirit,  every  act  being  open  and  before 
the  whole  world,  it  will  tend  powerfully  to  bind  up  the 
wounds  of  nations  caused  by  this  war  and  allay  race  hatred, 
envy,  and  jealousy,  and  be  a  long  step  toward  final  attain- 
ment of  the  brotherhood  of  man  and  the  golden  rule  in  in- 
tercourse between  nations. 

No  other  human  road  seems  open  and  ready  for  the  ap- 
proach of  that  desired  millennium  when  the  teachings  and 
spirit  of  the  Nazarine  shall  prevail  in  the  hearts  and  affairs 
of  all  mankind. 

Before  this  suggested  plan  is  dismissed  from  thought 
and  consideration  as  unwise  or  impractical,  it  is  earnestly 
hoped  that  the  reader  will  at  least  try  to  think  of  another 
that  will  be  better  and  more  certain  of  adoption.  Some  plan 
must  be  devised  soon,  and  the  welfare  of  the  whole  world 
depends  upon  its  wisdom. 

Alfred  Owen  Crozier. 

College  Hill,  Cincinnati,  Ohio. 
August  10,  1914- 


193 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

The  following  letter  refers  to  the  foregoing  document : 

Department  of  State 

Washington,  September  17,  1914 
Mr.  Alfred  O.  Crozier, 

Wilmington,  Delaware. 
Sir: 

The  Secretary  of  State  directs  me  to  acknowledge  the 
receipt,  by  reference  from  the  White  House,  of  your  letter 
of  August  18th,  enclosing  your  article  entitled  "The  World 
War — And  After,''  and  in  reply  to  inform  you  that  this  is 
not  a  matter  regarding  which  the  Department  should  ex- 
press an  opinion.  As  the  article  m.ay  be  desired  by  you,  it 
is  returned  herewith. 

I  am,  Sir,    Your  obedient  servant, 
1  Enc.  M ANTON    M.    Wydell, 

as  above  stated.  Private  Secretary, 


LETTER  TO  GENERAL  PEACE  CONGRESS 

Alfred  Owen  Crozier, 
140  Cedar  Street, 

New  York,  March  18,  1919. 
General  Peace  Congress, 

Paris,  France. 
Dear  Sirs: 

According  to  a  letter  dated  February  11,  1919,  from  the 
American  Commission  to  Negotiate  Peace,  the  memorial 
dated  January  22,  1919,  which  I  had  the  honor  of  address- 
ing to  you,  was  received  and  no  doubt  duly  considered  by 
you,  for  which  please  accept  my  earnest  thanks. 

The  plan  therein  briefly  outlined  for  a  very  limited  and 
simple  form  of  representative  international  government,  a 
mutual  Nation  of  Nations  with  strong  central  police  power 
to  maintain  order  in  the  family  of  nations  and  insure  per- 
manent peace,  is  more  fully  described  in  my  volume, 
"League  of  Nations,"  just  off  the  press,  a  copy  of  which 
I  take  the  liberty  of  mailing  to  you  today.     In  it  you  will 

194 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

find  tentative  draft  of  a  complete  Supreme  Constitution  for 
such  a  government. 

A  Nation  of  Nations  of  that  character  would  provide 
in  usual  form  the  efficient  machinery  needed  and  be  an 
effective  anti-war  organization  controlled  and  managed  by 
the  regular  representatives  of  all  countries  chosen  for  that 
purpose.  Its  only  object  would  be  to  prevent  international 
vv'ar  and  establish  justice.  It  would  not  interfere  in  the 
domestic  affairs,  or  impair  the  sovereignty  of  any  nation. 
Any  country  safely  could  join,  because  no  nation  could  be 
required,  although  it  could  be  invited,  to  render  armed 
assistance.  The  Nation  of  Nations  would  police  the  world 
with  its  own  ample  police  power  acting  under  its  exclusive 
direction. 

The  proposed  League  of  Nations  Constitution  now 
pending  before  you  w^ould,  as  you  so  vv^ell  know,  create 
legally  merely  an  ordinary  treaty  alliance  like  the  Entente 
or  Triple  alliances,  only  bigger,  same  being  given  the  name 
"League  of  Nations."  In  no  respect  would  it  be  a  real 
government,  and  its  charter  should  be  called  a  treaty  and 
not  a  "Constitution."  It  would,  we  feel,  be  precisely  the 
kind  of  ''entangling  foreign  alliance"  against  which  the 
American  people  were  warned  by  Washington,  Jefferson 
and  Lincoln.  And  I  am  very  certain  it  would  be  relent- 
lessly and  successfuly  opposed  by  the  United  States  Senate 
and  a  large  majority  of  the  American  people. 

The  people  of  this  country,  however,  would  almost 
unanimously  support  a  League  of  Nations  of  a  character 
they  considered  safe  and  efficient,  and  make  heavy  sacrifices 
gladly  to  help  the  great  peoples  of  Europe  solve  their  life 
and  death  problem  of  peace  and  war.  But,  in  my  judg- 
iiient,  they  never  will  do  it  under  any  treaty  alliance.  If 
the  nations  of  Europe  and  Asia  want  the  assistance  of  the 
United  States,  or  must  have  it  as  is  claimed,  they  should 
be  willing  to  cooperate  in  setting  up  and  permanently  man- 
aging a  simple  form  of  sound  and  permanent  representative 
Nation  of  Nations  to  safely  combine  the  moral  and  physical 

195 


LEAGUE     OF    NATIONS 

power  of  all  nations  that  it  may  be  used  under  mutual 
direction  to  render  common  and  impartial  protection  to  all 
peoples  against  war. 

Therefore  we  earnestly  urge  that  you  so  change  the 
pending  constitution  that  it  will  create  a  genuine  govern- 
ment and  not  a  treaty  alliance. 

Faithfully  and  hopefuly  yours, 

Alfred  Owen  Crozier. 


LETTER  TO  PRESIDENT  WILSON 

Alfred  Owen  Crozier, 
140  Cedar  Street, 

New  York,  March  18,  1919. 
Honorable  Woodrow  Wilson, 

Paris,  France. 
Dear  Sir: 

It  is  my  duty  and  pleasure  to  transmit  herewith  for  your 
information  and  consideration  a  copy  of  the  communica- 
tion I  have  this  day  mailed,  addressed  to  the  General 
Peace  Congress,  and  under  separate  cover  a  copy  of  the 
book  "League  of  Nations." 

The  manuscript  of  this  volume  (most  of  it)  was  twice 
sent  to  you  for  any  use  you  might  consider  would  help 
the  League  of  Nations  cause.  Evidently  it  never  reached 
you,  as  my  later  and  many  former  letters  did.  The  White 
House  returned  it  the  first  time,  early  in  December,  1918. 
The  State  Department  returned  it  the  second  time,  in 
January.  1919,  after  it  was  m.ailed  to  you  at  Paris.  Believ- 
ing the  facts  therein  are  important,  and  entitled  to  be 
heard  and  considered,  I  have  exercised  the  other  alter- 
native by  publishing  same,  and  trust  they  may  be  help- 
ful in  ultimately  obtaining  for  this  distressed  and  stricken 
world  a  league  of  nations  of  the  right  legal  character  and 
efficiency  so  that  wars  may  be  abolished. 

With  highest  respect,  and  anxious  hopes,  I  am, 
Faithfully  yours, 

Alfred  Owen  Crozier. 

196 


THIS  BOOK  IS  DUE  ON  THE  LAST  DATE 
STAMPED  BELOW 


AN     INITIAL     FINE     OF     25     CENTS 

WILL  BE  ASSESSED  FOR  FAILURE  TO  RETURN 
THIS  BOOK  ON  THE  DATE  DUE.  THE  PENALTY 
WILL  INCREASE  TO  50  CENTS  ON  THE  FOURTH 
DAY  AND  TO  $1.00  ON  THE  SEVENTH  DAY 
OVERDUE. 


NOV  13  1932 


AUG    9    1945 


I^P^' 


W  srr*ncs 
"eB2  '65-8 /^W 


932 


LD  2 1-507/1-8, -32 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 


"LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS" 

BY 

ALFRED  OWEN  CROZIER 


WHO  WAS  THE  FIRST  MAN 
IN  THE  WORLD  TO  PROPOSE 
AND  FORMULATE  A  PLAN 
FOR  A  LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS 
AT     END     OF     WORLD     WAR. 

GREAT  BOOK  OF  THE  IlQUR! 

Makes  the  greatest  prob- 
lem of  the  world  clear 
and  easily  understood, 
and  describes  a  construc- 
tive, practical  plan  for 
preventing    future    wars. 

SHALL  THERE  BE 

A  NATION  OF  NATIONS 


